What Makes Negative Imperative So Natural for Korean [psych-adjective +-e ha-] Constructions?

PACLIC 21 / Seoul National University, Seoul, Korea / November 1-3, 200

Semantic Structures of Polysemous Psych-adjectives in Korean: A Conceptual Semantics Approach

PACLIC / The University of the Philippines Visayas Cebu College Cebu City, Philippines / November 20-22, 200

The Case of Korean -ko siph-

학위논문(석사) -- 서울대학교대학원 : 인문대학 언어학과, 2023. 8. 고희정.This study focuses on the desiderative construction -ko siph- in Korean and the case alternation between nominative and accusative case found on the object in the -ko siph- construction. These constructions exhibit the characteristics typical of the WANT class volitionals, and several unique properties that goes beyond the realm of desideratives in general, setting it apart not only from other desiderative constructions within Korean but also from those found across languages. In this paper, we present compelling evidence in favor of the size difference approach over the complex predicate approach or the prolepsis approach in accounting for the structural case alternation found in the -ko siph- construction. Specifically, we posited the presence of an incomplete, deprived VoiceR in the Nominative Object Construction and a complete, fully functioning Voice in the Accusative Object Construction. In addition, we propose that the key to the difference in scope interpretation, which correlates with the alternating structural case marker in the -ko siphconstruction, is the type mismatch theory. Instead of explaining the scope property within the narrow syntax, we argue that the burden of the explanation should be placed on the semantic type mismatch at LF. The findings will also be extended to the -ki silh- construction in the last part of this paper, which is the exact antonym of the -ko siph- construction semantically. Overall, the analysis presented here is expected to contribute to our understanding of the WANT class desideratives and the case alteration phenomenon observed in Korean syntax.본 연구에서는 한국어 소망구문 -고 싶의 목적어에 나타나는 격 교체 현상 및 이 격 교체 현상과 밀접한 관련을 가지며 나타나는 현상들에 주목하였다. 그 중에서도 특히 작용역 해석 및 부가어와 술어의 제약, 통사적 이동에 있어서의 제약 등이 -고 싶 구문의 격교체 현상과 유관한 것으로 분석된다. -고 싶 구문은 전형적인 원하다 부류 소망술어의 성격을 띄고 있음과 동시에 격교체 현상 혹은 주어 1인칭 제약과 같은 다른 언어나 한국어의 소망술어에서 일반적으로 볼 수 없는 특징 또한 가지고 있어 면밀한 분석의 필요성이 제기된다. 본 연구는 -고 싶 구문의 격 교체 현상 및 그에 수반한 여러 현상을 설명하는 데에 있어 복합술어분석(complex predicate approach)이나 예변구문 분석(prolepsis approach)에 비해 투사 범주의 크기 차이 분석(size difference approach)이 유리하다는 사실을 주장한다. 보다 구체적으로는 주격 목적어 구문에는 불완전한 재구조화 태 핵(VoiceR head)이, 대격 목적어 구문에는 제 기능을 완전히 갖춘 태 핵(Voice head)가 존재한다는 가설을 지지한다. 이에 더해, 격 표지에 따라 -고 싶- 구문에서 달라지는 작용역 해석(Scope interpretation)의 차이는 유형 불일치 이론(type mismatch theory)를 통해 설명될 수 있는 것으로 제시되었다. 이에 따르면 목적어의 격112 표지가 교체 됨에 따라 바뀌는 작용역 해석 상의 특징은 협소 통사부에서 설명되기 보다는 논리형식(LF)에서의 의미 유형사이의 차이로 귀결된다. -고 싶 구문에서 목적어 상의 격 교체가 만들어내는 차이는 의미론적으로 -고 싶과 반의어 관계에 있는 -기 싫에서도 확장 및 적용되며, 이 두 구문의 보문 형태표지 -기와 -고가 한국어에서 접속법(subjunctive mood)표지로 분석되어온 요소와 동질적임을 주장한다. 종국적으로 본 연구의 분석은 한국어 통사론에서 소망구문 -고 싶의 성격을 규명함과 동시에 유사한 구문들에 나타나는 격 교체 현상의 이해에 기여할 것으로 기대된다.Chapter 1. Introduction 1 1.1. Brief summary of the proposal 1 1.2. What is the desiderative construction? 2 1.3. Overview 9 Chapter 2. Revivew of the previous literature 11 2.1. Complex predicate approach 11 2.1.1. Chang and Jo (1991) 11 2.1.2. S.-W. Kim (1996) 14 2.1.3. Kim and Maling (1998) 16 2.1.4. J.-H. Uhm (2003) 18 2.2. Prolepsis approach 22 2.3. Size difference approach 26 2.3.1. K.-Y. Choi (2009) 27 2.3.2. H.-K. Jung (2011) 30 Chapter 3. The Proposal 35 3.1. The core innovations 35 3.2. Accusative Object Construction 40 3.3. Nominative Object Construction 49 Chapter 4. Rethinking case and scope 56 4.1. Case Theory 56 4.1.1. Voice Restructuring in NOC 56 4.1.2. T as a multiple NOM case licenser 67 4.2. Scope puzzle demystified: Insights from type mismatch theory 71 Chapter 5. Lower predicates: Key players in object choice 76 5.1. Evidence from entailment relation 76 5.2. Specificity requirement 79 Chapter 6. Drawing Parallels: The connection between the -ko siph- and the -ki silh- 91 6.1. Commonalities 92 6.2. Technical implementation: head movement approach 96 Chapter 7. Conclusion 104 References 107 국문초록 112석

Psych-predicates: 1st Person and Evidentiality

AbstractThis paper characterizes psych-predicates in Korean and possibly in Japanese, as opposed to English. We focus on the the status of the Experiencer (or „judge‟ in the relativists‟ term) in relation to other arguments (and higher attitude verbs) and examine the first-person subjectivity constraint, attempting to explain why a third-person subject is infelicitous with a psych- predicate in PRESENT in Korean and Japnese as opposed to English. An evidence acquisition event before speech time is claimed to be accommodated in English. Interaction between psych-predicates and direct evidential marker –te in Korean is also examined. Relevant cause and effect relations and consequent coerced event functions are also postulated for coherent interpretation

Deriving individual-level and stage-level psych verbs in Spanish

Proof. Published version available at http://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2014-0022.Aspectual notions, although displayed most clearly in verbs, manifest across categories, with notions like (un)boundedness manifesting themselves in several instantiations which are sometimes specific of individual grammatical categories. This paper contributes to the ongoing debate on how aspectual notions emerge in different categorial domains by an analysis of subject-experiencer and object-experiencer psychological predicates (SEPVs and OEPVs, respectively). We review the evidence that SEPVs denote individual level (IL) states, and provide new facts – taken from the behaviour of participles – in favour of that diagnostic; we also argue that OEPVs should be classified as states of the stage level (SL) class. We argue that OEPVs denote states with an onset, which corresponds to the denotation of SLs. SEPVs simply denote states without boundaries, which we argue to correspond to IL predicates. Finally, we show how these two denotations follow without further assumptions from the structures proposed for SEPVs and OEPVs in previous work, specially Pesetsky (1995), making it unnecessary to postulate that the distinction is of lexical nature

Auxiliary Verbs and Structural Case Assignment in Korean

This paper investigates diverse case marking patterns in auxiliary verb constructions (AVCs) in Korean, and provides an account in terms of a general mechanism of structural case assignment within the framework of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG). It is first shown that the complicated case marking patterns which arise from various combinations of auxiliary verbs posit problems for both transformational analyses based on head movement and previous HPSG analyses in which the final auxiliary verb solely determines the case marking property of the whole complex predicate. This paper argues that auxiliary verbs are different in their way of "inheriting" case marking property of the preceding predicate, and case alternation in siphta construction can be explained by the dual "inheritance" property specified in the lexicon. Drawing upon a complex predicate analysis of AVCs, this paper proposes that complicated case patterns in AVCs can be accounted for by classification of verbs/auxiliary verbs via distinct feature values and by the mechanism of structural case resolution.This work was supported by Korea Research Foundation Grant (KRF-2001-003-A00006)

A Case of L1 Korean-L2 English Learners

학위논문(석사) -- 서울대학교대학원 : 사범대학 외국어교육과(영어전공), 2023. 2. 김기택.본 연구는 한국인 영어 학습자의 사례를 통해 제2언어 사동 동사의 형태소 오류에 있어 모국어 전이의 역할을 탐구한다. 본 연구에서 사용된 두 부류의 사동 동사는 동작주 주어를 가진 상태변화 동사 (break, melt)와 경험주 목적어를 가진 심리 동사 (frighten, bore)를 일컫는다. 자질 재조합 가설에 따르면, 성인 제2언어 학습자는 이미 문법 자질의 조합이 완료된 모국어를 가지고 있기 때문에 목표어에 맞게 문법 자질을 재조합하고 형태를 선택하는 과정을 거치게 되며 이 과정에서 모국어의 전이 효과가 개입할 수 있다. 이에 따라, 모국어에서는 특정 자질이 형태소와 결합하여 외현적으로 실현되는 반면 목표어에서는 형태소와의 결합 없이 내현적으로 실현될 때, 제2언어 학습자는 모국어의 영향을 받아 목표어에서도 해당 자질을 결합할 수 있는 형태소를 찾으려 시도할 것이다. 반대로 모국어에서는 특정 자질이 내현적으로 실현되는 반면 목표어에서는 외현적으로 실현될 때, 제2언어 학습자는 모국어의 영향을 받아 목표어에서도 해당 자질을 형태소와 결합하지 않고 내현적으로 실현하려 할 것이다. 이처럼 자질 재조합 가설은 모국어의 형태소 실현 양상이 제2언어 형태소 오류에 큰 영향을 미칠 것으로 가정한다. 본 연구는 위 가설을 한국인 영어 학습자를 대상으로 검증하고자 했는데, 그 이유는 두 부류의 사동 동사가 타동사 구문에서 자동사 구문으로 혹은 그 반대로 논항구조 교체를 보일 때, 이를 실현하는 형태소의 양상이 한국어와 영어에서 크게 다르기 때문이다. 상태변화 동사의 경우, 한국어는 사동성 혹은 반사동성 형태소라는 외현적 형태소를 실현한다. 한편, 영어는 관련 논항구조 교체가 영 형태소를 통해 내현적으로 실현된다. 심리 동사의 경우, 한국어와 영어 모두 논항구조 교체를 매개하는 외현적 형태소가 있으나 그 실현의 방향성이 반대이다. 한국어는 사동성 형태소를 보이는 반면 영어는 반사동성 형태소를 보인다. 가설 검증을 위해 본 연구는 44명의 성인 한국인 영어 학습자와 11명의 영어 원어민 화자를 모집하였다. 실험 집단으로서 한국인 영어 학습자는 모국어 형태소의 영향을 알아보기 위한 그림 기반 수용성 판단 과제와 이에 더불어 모국어 번역 과제, 제2언어 능숙도 검사, 언어 배경 조사 설문에 참여했다. 비교 집단으로서 영어 원어민 화자는 실험 집단과 동일한 그림 기반 수용성 판단 과제를 수행했다. 이후 실험 집단과 비교 집단의 수용성 판단 과제에서의 평균 수용성 점수를 산출하고 통계적으로 분석하여 한국인 영어 학습자가 보이는 형태소 오류가 모국어인 한국어의 영향으로부터 기인한 것인지 알아보았다. 분석 결과 상태변화 동사의 경우, 유의미한 모국어의 전이 효과가 발견되지 않았다. 한국인 영어 학습자는 모국어인 한국어에 존재하는 사동성 혹은 반사동성 형태소를 전이시키지 않은 것으로 나타났다. 오히려, 서로 다른 모국어 배경을 가진 영어 제2언어 학습자에게서 공통적으로 관찰되는 과수동화 오류가 한국인 영어 학습자에게서도 영어 능숙도와 상관없이 발견되었다. 이러한 결과는 모국어 전이 효과를 가정한 자질 재조합 가설을 지지하지는 않으며, 오히려 한국인 학습자의 영어 상태변화 동사 관련 형태소 오류에서는 제2언어 발달 요인이 모국어의 영향을 능가함을 시사한다. 하지만, 심리 동사의 경우, 특히 영어 능숙도가 낮은 한국인 학습자에게서 유의미한 모국어의 전이 효과가 발견되었다. 해당 학습자가 보인 영어 심리 동사 관련 형태소 오류는 모국어인 한국어에 존재하는 형태소 실현 양상으로부터 기인한 것으로 나타났다. 이는 자질 재조합 가설을 뒷받침하는 근거가 된다. 한편, 모국어의 영향으로부터 기인한 심리 동사 관련 형태소 오류는 제2언어 능숙도가 향상됨에 따라 점차 해소되는 양상을 보였다. 제2언어 사동 동사의 형태소 오류에 있어 모국어 전이의 역할을 탐구하는 것에 더해 본 연구는 한국인 영어 학습자에게 상태변화 동사와 심리 동사 중 어떤 동사의 형태소 양상을 습득하는 것이 더 어려운지 함께 알아보았다. 상태변화 동사 관련 형태소 오류인 과수동화 오류는 제2언어 능숙도의 향상에도 해결되지 않은 반면, 모국어의 영향으로부터 기인한 심리 동사 관련 형태소 오류는 제2언어 능숙도의 향상과 함께 해소되었다는 점으로 미루어 보아, 본 연구는 한국인 영어 학습자에게는 심리 동사보다 상태변화 동사의 습득이 더 어렵다는 점을 함께 밝혔다.This thesis examines the case of L1 Korean-L2 English learners to investigate the role of L1 transfer in L2 morphological errors with two classes of causative verbs: physical change of state verbs with agentive subjects (e.g., break, melt) and psychological verbs with experiencer objects (e.g., frighten, bore). According to Feature Re-assembly Hypothesis (FRH) by Lardiere (2008, 2009), when mature L2 learners re-map the grammatical features that are already fully assembled in L1 onto L2-specific formal configurations, a significant L1 influence may intervene in the process. Hence, if L1 expresses certain grammatical features with overt morphology while L2 expresses them with zero-morphology, L2 learners will look for the substitute L2-specific morphophonological items to realize the features as is the case in L1. In contrast, if L1 realizes the features with zero-morphology while L2 realizes them with overt morphology, L2 learners will speculate that the features do not receive any morphophonological content in L2 as well as in their L1, thus not mapping them onto overt morphophonological items. As such, FRH postulates that L2 morphological errors may be highly constrained by L1-specific morphological patterns. These hypotheses were tested with L1 Korean-L2 English learners given that Korean and English greatly differ with respect to how they morphologically express the argument structure alternation of two classes of causative verbs, from transitive to intransitive or vice versa. As for change of state verbs, Korean realizes overt morphology, either causative (e.g., Minho-ka pethe-lul nok-i-ess-ta, meaning Minho melted butter / Pethe-ka nok-ass-ta, meaning The butter melted) or anticausative (e.g., Minho-ka mwun-ul yel-ess-ta, meaning Minho opened the door / Mwun-i yel-li-ess-ta, meaning The door opened). English, on the other hand, covertly realizes the alternation with zero-morphology (e.g., Ben melted the butter / The butter melted). As for psych verbs, both Korean and English feature overt morphology for the alternation, while the direction of morphological marking is the opposite in the two languages. Korean has causative morphology (e.g., Sensayngnim-i Minho-lul cilwuha-key hay-ss-ta, meaning The teacher bored Minho / Minho-ka cilwuhay-ss-ta, meaning Minho got bored) whereas English has anticausative morphology (e.g., The teacher bored Emily / Emily got bored). The study recruited forty-four adult L1 Korean-L2 English learners and eleven English native speakers. As an experimental group, Korean speakers took part in a picture-based acceptability judgment task designed to test the influence of L1 morphological patterns, along with an L1 translation task, an L2 proficiency test, and a language background survey. As a control group, English native speakers completed the same picture-based acceptability judgment task. Mean acceptability scores in the judgment task were calculated and statistically analyzed to identify whether Korean speakers exhibition of morphological errors with English causative verbs was constrained by their L1 morphological patterns. The results of the experiment revealed no significant L1 transfer for change of state verbs. Korean speakers transferred neither the causative nor the anticausative morphological pattern. Rather, overpassivization errors were pervasive with Korean speakers regardless of their L2 English proficiency, which is a unique interlanguage structure commonly observed among L2 English learners with different L1 backgrounds. Such results do not support FRH but suggest that L2 developmental factor overrides the influence of L1 in Korean speakers morphological errors with English change of state verbs. As for psych verbs, however, the results of the experiment revealed a significant L1 transfer, in particular with lower-level English learners. Their morphological errors were highly constrained by L1-specific morphological patterns, consistent with the predictions formulated by FRH. Such errors, however, were gradually recovered with increasing levels of proficiency in English. In addition to investigating the role of L1 transfer in L2 morphological errors with causative verbs, the study further examined the relative difficulty of acquiring morphological patterns of change of state verbs and psych verbs. Drawing upon the results that morphological errors with change of state verbs (i.e., overpassivization errors) persisted even with advanced-level learners whereas errors with psych verbs (i.e., L1-constrained errors) disappeared with the increase in L2 proficiency, the study concluded that the relative difficulty of acquisition is greater with change of state verbs in the case of L1 Korean-L2 English learners than with psych verbs.CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Background and Purpose of the Study 1 1.2 Research Questions 7 1.3 Organization of the Thesis 8 CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW 9 2.1 Theoretical Background 10 2.1.1 Full Transfer/Full Access Model 10 2.1.2 Distributed Morphology 11 2.1.3 Feature Re-assembly Hypothesis and the Relative Difficulty in SLA 12 2.2 Linguistic Analyses on Causative Verbs 16 2.2.1 Argument Structure and Morphology 16 2.2.2 Change of State Verbs 18 2.2.3 Psych Verbs 22 2.3 L2 Acquisition of Causative Verbs 24 2.3.1 L2 Acquisition of Change of State Verbs 24 2.3.1.1 Studies Arguing for L1 Transfer 25 2.3.1.2 Studies Arguing against L1 Transfer: Overpassivization 27 2.3.1.3 Studies on the Korean Language 30 2.3.2 L2 Acquisition of Psych Verbs 34 2.3.2.1 Studies Arguing for L1 Transfer 34 2.3.2.2 Studies on the Korean Language 36 2.4 Comparison between Korean and English 39 2.4.1 Change of State Verbs in Korean and in English 39 2.4.2 Psych Adjectives in Korean and Psych Verbs in English 43 2.4.3 Summary 46 2.5 The Present Study 53 CHAPTER 3. METHODOLOGY 56 3.1 Participants 56 3.2 Task Materials 59 3.2.1 Picture-based Acceptability Judgment Task 59 3.2.2 L1 Translation Task 65 3.2.3 L2 Proficiency Test 66 3.2.4 Language Background Survey 67 3.3 Task Procedures 67 3.4 Data Analysis 68 CHAPTER 4. RESULTS 70 4.1 Results of the Picture-based Acceptability Judgment Task 70 4.2 Group Results of Change of State Verbs 72 4.2.1 Change of State Verbs with Causative Pattern 72 4.2.2 Change of State Verbs with Anticausative Pattern 77 4.3 Group Results of Psych Verbs 82 4.4 Comparison between the Results of Change of State Verbs and Psych Verbs 87 CHAPTER 5. DISCUSSION 91 5.1 The Role of L1 Transfer in L2 Morphological Errors with Change of State Verbs 92 5.2 The Role of L1 Transfer in L2 Morphological Errors with Psych Verbs 96 5.3 The Relative Difficulty of Acquiring Two Classes of Causative Verbs 101 CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSION 105 6.1 Major Findings and Implications 105 6.2 Limitations and Suggestions 108 REFERENCES 111 APPENDICES 118 국문초록 130석

Reflexives in Japanese

The purpose of this dissertation is to reconsider reflexives in Japanese through the following three steps: (a) separation of genuine reflexive elements from elements that are confounded as reflexives, (b) classification of reflexive anaphors into subtypes based on their semantic difference, and (c) classification of predicates that occur with anaphors. Many researchers have worked on the reflexive element zibun (self), but Japanese has other reflexive elements as well. These elements including zibun have not only the reflexive anaphor usage but also other ones. All the instances are, however, often lumped together under one category: reflexive. I distinguish genuine reflexive anaphors in Japanese from elements that are confounded as reflexive elements, by scrutinizing their syntactic and semantic properties and behavioral differences. Further, I claim that reflexive anaphors are classified into two subtypes as Pure reflexive anaphors and Near reflexive anaphors (Lidz, 1996, 2001a,b) based on their semantic property. Observing several languages from different language families, I propose that there is a parametric variation with respect to the two-type distinction of reflexive anaphors among languages. In languages like Japanese, anaphors in the form of affix are Pure reflexive anaphors, while non-affixal anaphors are Near reflexive anaphors. On the other hand, in languages like Dutch, the morphological composition (complexity) of anaphor corresponds to the two-type anaphor distinction. What yields this variation is also discussed. In considering reflexives, it is important to know the nature of reflexive anaphors, but it is also essential to understand the nature of predicates that occur with an anaphor. One of the unsolved questions in the research of reflexives in Japanese is that the anaphor zibun cannot take a local antecedent when it occurs with a certain type of verb, although anaphors should be locally bound. Several studies have demonstrated that the availability of local binding of an anaphor depends on the property of its cooccuring predicate (Reinhart and Reuland, 1993, Bergeton, 2004, among others). Discussing how the type of reflexive and the type of predicate relate, I propose a way to categorize predicates in Japanese into subtypes based on the analysis in Bergeton (2004). By going through the three steps, I give an answer to the unsolved question

Restructuring parameters and complex predicates--a transformational approach

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 1988.Bibliography: v.2, leaves 557-575.by Hyon Sook Choe.Ph.D

Dependency formation interacts with case: Evidence from Korean double nominative constructions

The subject-object asymmetry in relative clauses, where structures containing subject dependencies are typically easier to process than those with object dependencies, has been previously attributed to both grammatical function (subject > object) as well as morphological case (e.g., nom > acc). We investigate processing of Double Nominative Constructions (“DNCs”) in Korean, where the object exceptionally has nominative case like the subject (i.e., nom-nom).  This enables isolation of grammatical function and case as possible factors driving the so-called “subject advantage.” We find that dependency formation is more costly in DNCs as compared with nom-acc structures, especially for object relative clauses. We tie this effect to distinctness in morphological case of the subject and object, suggesting that the less morphosyntactically distinct the subject and object are, the more difficult it is to process DNCs in dependencies