Notes on the satirical press and graphic illustration between 1832 and 1843

Las expectativas políticas y la consiguiente voluntad de influir en la moral social colectiva, en periodos cruciales de la discontinua revolución liberal española, producen núcleos intermitentes de polarización satírica en la prensa que se inicia con ímpetu utópico y suelen disolverse en la acomodación o en el desencanto cuando las ilusiones iniciales se frustran. Bajo la implícita sujeción a esta hipótesis, el presente artículo se aproxima a la secuencia histórica de 1832-1845, cuando la prensa satírica debe acomodar su inicial forma literaria al contrapunto intermediático de la ilustración gráfica y la caricatura.The political expectations and consequent desire to influence collective social morals at crucial moments of the discontinuous Spanish liberal revolution produced intermittent foci of satirical polarization in the press, which started with utopian impetus and usually faded into compromise or disenchantment after initial hopes were thwarted. In the implicit frame of this hypothesis, this paper takes a look at the period 1832-1845, when the satirical press had to accommodate its early literary form to the inter-media counterpoint of graphic illustration and caricature

Emphase sur le négatif et couverture informative maigre: deux stratégies rhétoriques pour compenser le positif dans la presse satirique

The satirical press attacks what journalists and cartoonists consider contradictions, abuses and blunders of politicians. It chooses a critical, exaggerated and distorted view, which is polarized toward the negative. In this article we focus on rhetorical strategies used by the satirical press when it refers to measures or statements by political leaders which are seen positively by public opinion. Our main interest is the presidential figure, a favourite target of the satirical press. The corpus analysed consists of headlines, articles and political cartoons which refer to President Jacques Chirac (1995-2007) in the French weekly Le Canard enchaîné. We consider six political events in which the Head of State had a direct involvement. We show that the newspaper generally adopts one of the two following courses of action: either it reduces its coverage in its pages, or it associates the popular measures or statements with negative actions or negative personality traits.La prensa satírica adopta una mirada crítica y deformada de los hechos de actualidad, focalizando sobre lo que periodistas y dibujantes consideran como contradicciones, torpezas y abusos de la clase política. Este trabajo se centra en una serie de estrategias retóricas utilizadas cuando se da cuenta de acciones y declaraciones de los dirigentes que gozan de buena aceptación por parte de la opinión pública. Tomando la figura presidencial como blanco privilegiado del trabajo de ridiculización y desacreditación efectuado por la prensa satírica, el corpus analizado comprende títulos, artículos y caricaturas políticas publicadas sobre el presidente Jacques Chirac (1995-2007) en el semanario francés Le Canard enchaîné. El análisis de seis hechos de actualidad en los que el jefe de Estado tuvo una participación directa, pone en evidencia dos vías de acción generalmente adoptadas por el periódico: o bien dedica menos espacio en sus páginas a los temas positivos o bien altera las acciones positivas, asociándolas a acciones negativas o a rasgos de personalidad negativos del personaje.La presse satirique adopte un regard critique et déformé des faits d'actualité et s'attaque volontiers à ce que les journalistes et dessinateurs considèrent comme des contradictions, abus et maladresses de la classe politique. Ce travail s’intéresse aux stratégies rhétoriques utilisées quand il s’agit de rendre compte des actions et déclarations des dirigeants qui sont majoritairement jugées positives par l’opinion publique. Focalisant sur la figure présidentielle en tant que cible privilégiée du travail de dérision, le corpus comprend des titres, articles et caricatures politiques publiés sur le président Jacques Chirac (1995-2007) dans l’hebdomadaire français Le Canard enchaîné. L’analyse de six faits d’actualité dans lesquels le chef de l’Etat a eu une implication directe met en évidence deux voies d’actions généralement adoptées par le journal : soit il consacre moins d’espace dans ses pages à ces sujets, soit il altère les actions positives, les associant à des actions négatives ou aux traits négatifs du personnage

Negative emphasis and meager informative coverage: two rhetorical strategies to compensate for the positive in the satirical press

La prensa satírica adopta una mirada crítica y deformada de los hechos de actualidad, focalizando sobre lo que periodistas y dibujantes consideran como contradicciones, torpezas y abusos de la clase política. Este trabajo se centra en una serie de estrategias retóricas utilizadas cuando se da cuenta de acciones y declaraciones de los dirigentes que gozan de buena aceptación por parte de la opinión pública. Tomando la figura presidencial como blanco privilegiado del trabajo de ridiculización y desacreditación efectuado por la prensa satírica, el corpus analizado comprende títulos, artículos y caricaturas políticas publicadas sobre el presidente Jacques Chirac (1995-2007) en el semanario francés Le Canard enchaîné. El análisis de seis hechos de actualidad en los que el jefe de Estado tuvo una participación directa, pone en evidencia dos vías de acción generalmente adoptadas por el periódico: o bien dedica menos espacio en sus páginas a los temas positivos o bien altera las acciones positivas, asociándolas a acciones negativas o a rasgos de personalidad negativos del personaje.La presse satirique adopte un regard critique et déformé des faits d'actualité et s'attaque volontiers à ce que les journalistes et dessinateurs considèrent comme des contradictions, abus et maladresses de la classe politique. Ce travail s’intéresse aux stratégies rhétoriques utilisées quand il s’agit de rendre compte des actions et déclarations des dirigeants qui sont majoritairement jugées positives par l’opinion publique. Focalisant sur la figure présidentielle en tant que cible privilégiée du travail de dérision, le corpus inclut des titres, articles et caricatures politiques publiés sur le président Jacques Chirac (1995-2007) dans l’hebdomadaire français Le Canard enchaîné. L’analyse de six faits d’actualité dans lesquels le chef de l’Etat a eu une implication directe met en évidence deux voies d’actions généralement adoptées par le journal : soit il consacre moins d’espace dans ses pages à ces sujets, soit il altère les actions positives, les associant à des actions négatives ou aux traits négatifs du personnage.The satirical press attacks what journalists and cartoonists consider contradictions, abuses and blunders of politicians. It chooses a critical, exaggerated and distorted view, which is polarized toward the negative. In this article we focus on rhetorical strategies used by the satirical press when it refers to measures or statements by political leaders which are seen positively by public opinion. Our main interest is the presidential figure, a favourite target of the satirical press. The corpus analysed consists of headlines, articles and political cartoons which refer to President Jacques Chirac (1995-2007) in the French weekly Le Canard enchaîné. We consider six political events in which the Head of State had a direct involvement. We show that the newspaper generally adopts one of the two following courses of action: either it reduces its coverage in its pages, or it associates the popular measures or statements with negative actions or negative personality traits.Fil: Pedrazzini, Ana Mercedes. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico - Conicet - Patagonia Norte; Argentina. Universidad Nacional del Comahue. Centro Reg.universidad Bariloche; Argentin

Relatos, memoria y contrahistorias de la Guerra Civil Peruana (1895) a través de la prensa político-satírica en Lima (1892-1895)

This dissertation is a multidisciplinary study that brings together the fields of literature, history, visual arts, cultural studies and journalism in order to understand how satire, a discourse mode that subverts any kind of written format, was used in the political-satirical press to question and diminish power figures in the context of the fall of the Segundo Militarismo (Second Militarism) government of Andres Caceres in late l9th century Peru. The Pacific War (1879-1883) resulted in the birth of Segundo Militarismo along with the rise to power of Peruvian war hero Andres Avelino Caceres, whom many in Peru saw as a savior destined to rebuild the country. Nevertheless, his government failed to meet the high expectations of the people and was thus accompanied by an increase in journalistic antimilitaristic rhetoric. Newspapers and magazines were published rejecting a possible second Presidency of Caceres and calling for a civil president, the charismatic Nicolas de Piérola. This study examines political-satirical journals from late l9th century Peru in order to analyze how satire operated through the use of discourse figures such as metaphors, similes or hyperboles to attack Cáceres’ image, both through written and visual texts. It focuses on several elements in order to understand how the political-satirical press built networks: (1) political-satirical periodicals were based on a parody of a news journal itself; (2) these periodicals were self-referential and build their own criteria of credibility and created, thus, their own institutional memory; (3) satire, following the Chicago Satire School, is based on history and identifiable historical particulars; (4) caricature shaped a new kind of reader and worked as a complement to what texts could not express; (5) political-satirical press took active part in the public sphere by questioning key concepts such as democracy, power figures and the legitimacy of political parties

The socialisation of print culture. Frontier ways of reading that promoted «El Tío Clarín» (Seville, 1864-1867) and «La Campana» (Seville, 1867-1868)

This paper addresses circumstantially the different ways in which the Seville satirical weeklies El Tío Clarín (1864-1867) and La Campana (1867-1868) –the latter replacing the former after its suspension– might have been read. By studying their editorial strategies on the basis of the footprints left by their editors, it is possible to determine how satirical journalism participated in the socialisation of print culture, which developed into informational graphics, despite the paradoxical confluence of three factors: the political instability in the final years of the reign of Isabella II, the tight censorship to which the press was subjected in 1867 and the slow but continuous progress in modernising the publishing market. Based on the combination of satirical cartoons, humour and popular genres, both weeklies made current affairs more accessible through critical reasoning and by appealing to the senses, with revealing indications of the simultaneous ways of addressing such a subject. Textual reading gave way to the graphic kind, reading aloud to doing so in silence, while the spaces in which this occurred, between the public (the street) and the private sphere (the parlour at home), and the collectives involved, namely, women and children, were determined. It was these ways of relating to the two weeklies, established by their readerships, that were behind the popularity of the satirical press before the Glorious Revolution of 1868 and the transition to publication capitalism.Este texto aborda de forma indiciaria los modos en los que pudieron ser manejados y leídos los semanarios satíricos sevillanos El Tío Clarín (1864-1867) y La Campana (1867-1868), publicación esta última que sustituyó a El Tío Clarín tras su suspensión. Estudiando la estrategia editorial a partir de las huellas dejadas por el editor, se comprueba la participación del periodismo satírico en la socialización de la cultura impresa, que deviene en gráfico informativa en el cruce paradójico de tres variables: la inestabilidad política en las postrimerías del reinado de Isabel II, la vigilancia extrema que se ejerce sobre la prensa en 1867 y el avance lento, pero continuado, en la modernización del mercado editorial. Basados en la combinación de la imagen satírica, la comicidad y los géneros populares, ambos semanarios facilitan el acceso a la actualidad desde la práctica de la razón crítica y la apelación a los sentidos, presentando indicios reveladores sobre los modos simultáneos de manejar tal objeto. Se pasaría de la lectura tipográfica a la icónica, de la lectura compartida a la lectura silenciosa, además de señalar tanto los espacios donde pudieron producirse, entre la esfera pública (la calle) y la vida privada (el salón del hogar), como los colectivos que pudieron encarnar tales usos: las mujeres y los niños. Son estos modos de relación establecidos por los lectores con el semanario los que convierten a esta prensa en popular antes de la Septembrina y en el tránsito hacia el capitalismo de edición

Méndez Álvarez’ graphic attractions during TBO’s phase foraine (1917-1928)

Through a study of one illustrator, Gaspar Méndez Álvarez, this article illuminates the phase foraine (1917-1931) of TBO. Using «the strange, and the atrocious» graphic traits (Smolderen) he sought to address and cater to a new audience: children. I will reveal an evolution in both Méndez’ graphic attractions and editor Buigas’ magazine. My main contention is that with Méndez Álvarez’ disappearance from the magazi-ne around 1928, TBO’s phase foraine came to an end: with the infantilisation of the medium, the divide between satirical press and children’s magazines was complete

Visual Stereotypes of Tatars in the Finnish Press from the 1890s to the 1910s

Visual stereotypes constitute a set of tropes through which the Other is described and depicted to an audience, who perhaps never will encounter the individuals that those tropes purport to represent. Upon the arrival of Muslim Tatar traders in Finland in the late nineteenth century, newspapers and satirical journals utilized visual stereotypes to identify the new arrivals and draw demarcation lines between them and what was considered “Finnish”. The Tatars arrived during a time of tension in the relationship between the autonomous Grand Duchy of Finland and the Russian Empire, with the Finnish intelligentsia divided along political and language lines. Stereotypical images of Tatar pedlars were used as insults against political opponents within Finland and as covert criticism of the policies of the Russian Empire. Stereotypes about ethnic and religious minorities like the Tatars fulfilled a political need for substitute enemy images; after Finland became independent in 1917, these visual stereotypes almost disappeared.Peer reviewe

Studying historical multilingualism in everyday life: the case of the Habsburg Monarchy in the nineteenth century

The chapter explores what type of sources can help us understand multilingualism in the past. Since direct observation and elicitation techniques are not available, tackling the “poor data problem” is one of the key issues in the study of historic multilingualism. The chapter focuses on the late Habsburg Monarchy and its linguistically exceptionally diverse populations. Scholars frequently draw on the ethnographic maps, demographic data, and language laws that have come down to us from historic times to make sense of this diversity. Important as these sources are, they only offer a bird’s eye view of the realm’s multilingualism. Other sources are needed to explore its functioning in day-to-day life in particular communities. The chapter argues that memoirs, late-Habsburg satirical magazines, and criminal court records can all serve this purpose. They afford unique glimpses into everyday life in the past and allow us to reconstruct the workings of historical multilingualism in terms of its social underpinnings and linguistic outcomes

Humour, satire, and sexuality in the culture of early Chartism

Histories of Chartism have tended to emphasize the hegemony of respectability within the movement, and with histories of the popular press have seen the 1830s as a decisive break with older radical traditions of sexual libertarianism, bawdy political culture, and a satirical, sometimes obscene print culture. However, the basis of this position is a partial reading of the evidence. Work on London Chartists has emphasized their moralistic politics and publications at the expense of their rich populist and satirical press and the clear survival of piracy and romantic literature well into the Chartist period. The neglect of an important early leader, Henry Vincent, has meant the bawdy, sensual, and sometimes scatological letters he sent to his cousin in London have been overlooked as a source on the moral life of the Chartist generation. This article will address this by studying Vincent's letters in the context of London's populist press, particularly the work of his friends John Cleave and Henry Hetherington. Vincent's humour and attitude towards sexuality clearly reflect a broader tendency in London radicalism, while his own efforts as a newspaper editor in Bath indicate that acerbic humour was an important aspect not just of Chartism's political critique, but of its appeal to the provincial working class