Requirements for comprehensive management of industrial heritage sites and landscapes

Industrial heritage has become a very matter of debate among experts as the most significant reminder of the industrial era, it also is of great examples of 20th-century heritage. Nowadays, industrial heritage sites are suffering from intense physical conditions and are being intruded by massive economic projects since they are located in favorable places of towns and possess vast spaces. Conservation methods have mostly been limited to the surroundings of industrial heritage sites and have not considered the extended areas connected to the site. The resolutions should be sought throughout these questions: How do outstanding values of an industrial heritage site affect its buffer zone mapping? Or what should a buffer zone map encompass to protect specific values of an industrial heritage site? During this research ample of evidence is seen which firstly depicts the appreciation of industrial heritage and the tendency to conserve them among the host countries. The main result concluded is a guideline based on the similarities and differences between various types of industrial heritage and their impacts on determining boundaries and zones. In case of increasing the number of case studies, the results of this paper can aid in charge organizations to take more effective measure in developing plans to determine boundaries and zones for different types of industrial heritage sites. The data gathered for this paper was collected through library resources about industrial heritage and basically from academic and universal management manuals of buffer zones. The information chiefly is adopted from registration files received by the world heritage committee of UNESCO. The method of this research is case study research and the method for analysis is descriptive-analytical

Factors Influencing Customer Satisfaction towards E-shopping in Malaysia

Online shopping or e-shopping has changed the world of business and quite a few people have decided to work with these features. What their primary concerns precisely and the responses from the globalisation are the competency of incorporation while doing their businesses. E-shopping has also increased substantially in Malaysia in recent years. The rapid increase in the e-commerce industry in Malaysia has created the demand to emphasize on how to increase customer satisfaction while operating in the e-retailing environment. It is very important that customers are satisfied with the website, or else, they would not return. Therefore, a crucial fact to look into is that companies must ensure that their customers are satisfied with their purchases that are really essential from the ecommerce’s point of view. With is in mind, this study aimed at investigating customer satisfaction towards e-shopping in Malaysia. A total of 400 questionnaires were distributed among students randomly selected from various public and private universities located within Klang valley area. Total 369 questionnaires were returned, out of which 341 questionnaires were found usable for further analysis. Finally, SEM was employed to test the hypotheses. This study found that customer satisfaction towards e-shopping in Malaysia is to a great extent influenced by ease of use, trust, design of the website, online security and e-service quality. Finally, recommendations and future study direction is provided. Keywords: E-shopping, Customer satisfaction, Trust, Online security, E-service quality, Malaysia

State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010

Why after almost a decade of silence and "successful" crackdowns of contention during the 1980s has Iran witnessed once again waves of increasing popular protest? What are the processes and mechanisms behind the routinization of collective actions in Iran since the early 1990s, which continue despite state repression? Why and under what circumstances does a strong authoritarian state that has previously marginalized its contenders tolerate some forms of contention despite the state's continued repressive capacity? And finally, to what extent are available social movement theories capable of explaining the Iranian case? In "State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010" I engage theories of social movements and contentious politics in order to examine the emergence, development, and likely outcomes of popular contention in contemporary Iran. My study is the first project of its kind to focus on elite factionalism and its impact on popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. Although other scholars have extensively written on elite factionalism in postrevolutionary Iran, they have not analyzed the implications of the inter-elite conflict for the emergence and development of social protests against the Islamic Republic. While this study primarily utilizes political process and resource mobilization models, it acknowledges the importance of economic, ideological, and breakdown approaches for the interpretation of the emergence and development of popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. Drawing on data gathered from census figures, public policies, state and oppositional newspapers, and interviews with dissidents and state officials, this study shows that collective actions against the Islamic Republic emerged gradually due to institutional changes, limited electorate competition, social and educational expansion, and, more importantly, the intellectual transformation of a significant segment of the elites and their action-intended discourse. I demonstrate that the political opportunity structure is not a unitary national opportunity but rather varies by social groups, demands, and contexts. I make this argument by exploring the political environment for collective mobilization in contemporary Iran in four key contexts: 1. the period of consolidation, war, and repression (1979-1988, the Khomeini era); 2. the period of postwar reconstruction and economic liberalization (1989-1997, the tenure of President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani); 3. the era of reform and political opening (1997-2005, the tenure of President Seyyed Mohammad Khatami); and 4. the period of mobilization in the context of increasingly violent repression (2005-present, the tenure of President Mahmood Ahmadinejad). By examining social protests within these different contexts, I conclude that regimes that use force to restrict political rights after a long and sustained period of opening risk eliciting resistance from dissidents who have already gained organizational resources to challenge the state's violent closing

Relationship between Personality Traits and Conflict Management Strategy in Managers of Khuzestan Physical Education Headquarter

Manager’s selective styles for conflict solution in organization have been affected by their unique characteristics like personality, attitudes and gender. The purpose of this study was investigation the relationship between personality traits and conflict management strategies which was done by field study on the 118 managers and assistants of physical education of Khuzestan’s physical education headquarter in 1388. Methodology of this research was descriptive analytical. Instruments for gathering data were short form of NEO personality traits inventory and, Robbins conflict management questionnaire. For data analyze descriptive statistic, Pearson correlation coefficients and multiple regression (enter and stepwise) was used. The result indicated positive significant relationship between agreeableness, extraversion and neuroticism traits with non-confrontation and controlling strategies. Result of multiple regression analysis indicated conscientiousness trait was best predictor for non-confrontation strategy also extraversion and agreeableness were best predictor for solution- orientation strategy. Regarding to the result of study we suggest for choosing competent managers, must pay special attention to their personality traits

The Institution of Parliament and Democratisation Process in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The quest for democracy in various societies has occupied modern political thinking. At the same time, the desire for democracy in developing countries has become a -, compelling issue. Iran is no exception. Many argue against this hypothesis by refening to the strong presence of Islam in Iranian society, and build their theory upon the intrinsic inconsistency between Islam and democracy. The present research attempts to challenge this assumption and examine the case of the Islamic Republic 9f Iran in pursuing democracy and its implementation: democratisation process. The inevitability of modernity as both notion and motion has made democracy the least bad way of governance. The reality of the nation-state which is politically a modern concept has incorporated functions and expectations that make democracy, not merely one option any more, but the most feasible way of governing a nation-state efficiently. The Western-liberal model of democracy is not the sole criterion for perceiving good governance. Nevertheless, non-Western attempts to reform, mainly in the Muslim societies, must not be seen as pre-determined to fail simply because reform or democracy is not indigenous. The formation of the Islamic Republic in 1979 and also the reform movement of 1997 showed a discursive development within Iranian society. Iran's troubled encounter with modernity brought about different narratives and consequences. The emergence of the liberal discourse of modernity as the first result of such an encounter failed to accommodate Iranian society and modernity and ended with a modernist but authoritative discourse. The consistent failure of secular discourse to deliver an acceptable form of modernity caused a backlash and led to the prevalence of authentic discourse ~nd profound criticism of modernity. The triumph of Islamic discourse and the installation of the concept of wilayat al-faqih theorised under Shi'ism ought to be seen as the final phase of Iran's encounter with modernity. The present experience of having a modern state with elected-although weak-government and parliament with religious (authentic) character provides the necessary ground for understanding, further practice and improvement. The analysis of the Islamic Republic's Sixth Majlis helps in establishing this hypothesis.EThOS - Electronic Theses Online ServiceGBUnited Kingdo

Cultivat(ing) modernities : the Society for National Heritage, political propaganda and public architecture in twentieth-century Iran

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 2005.Includes bibliographical references (p. 615-632).Beginning in 1922, under the auspices of the Pahlavi dynasty of Iran, the tombs of selected historical figures were systematically destroyed to make way for modern mausoleums erected as metaphors for an "Aryan" nation in its process of modem revival. Initiated during the reign of Reza Shah who ruled the country with an iron fist between 1921 and 1941, most of the projects were implemented under his son, Mohammad Reza Shah, between 1941 and the Iranian Revolution of 1979. Since the monuments were ideologically inscribed commemorations of the leading modernists and reformists of the 1920s, their impact permeated the definition and function of high culture in Iran's 20th-century sociopolitical history. The dissertation offers a critical analysis of the political underpinnings, pedagogical aims, racial schemas, and aesthetic ends of propaganda architecture as they were conceived and constructed under the aegis of the Society for National Heritage. An in-depth study of the institutional history of the SNH, which included the construction of numerous mausoleums--particularly those belonging to Ferdawsi, Hafez, Ibn Sina, Omar Khayyam, and Arthur Pope, the supervision of over sixty preservation projects, and the creation of an archeological museum as well as a national library, the dissertation demonstrates that in the 20t century, the project of Iran' s "cultural heritage" was not just about a series of public monuments, well-choreographed museums, (in)accurate indexes of historical landmarks, or art exhibitions and congresses. Modern Iran's relationship to its cultural heritage was equated to Iran's equal and rightful place in the network of modern nations; its safest and fastest corridor to a progressive, and at times utopian, modernity; and its essential ideological(cont.) justification for the political, and often despotic, reforms aimed at territorial integrity and national homogeneity. Iran's cultural heritage, it is argued, was modem Iran's political raison d'e'tre.by Talinn Grigor.Ph.D