Do infants have abstract grammatical knowledge of word order at 17 months? Evidence from Mandarin Chinese

We test the comprehension of transitive sentences in very young learners of Mandarin Chinese using a combination of the weird word order paradigm with the use of pseudo-verbs and the preferential looking paradigm, replicating the experiment of Franck et al. (2013) on French. Seventeen typically-developing Mandarin infants (mean age: 17.4 months) participated and the same experiment was conducted with eighteen adults. The results show that hearing well-formed NP-V-NP sentences triggered infants to fixate more on a transitive scene than on a reflexive scene. In contrast, when they heard deviant NP-NP-V sequences, no such preference pattern was found, a performance pattern that is adult-like. This is at variance with some of the results from Candan et al. (2012), who only found evidence for canonical word order comprehension at almost age 3 when considering fixation time. Furthermore, within the age range tested, performance showed no effect of age or vocabulary size

The placement of the head that maximizes predictability. An information theoretic approach

The minimization of the length of syntactic dependencies is a well-established principle of word order and the basis of a mathematical theory of word order. Here we complete that theory from the perspective of information theory, adding a competing word order principle: the maximization of predictability of a target element. These two principles are in conflict: to maximize the predictability of the head, the head should appear last, which maximizes the costs with respect to dependency length minimization. The implications of such a broad theoretical framework to understand the optimality, diversity and evolution of the six possible orderings of subject, object and verb are reviewed.Comment: in press in Glottometric

Yes/no questions in mandarin chinese revisited

This article discusses some syntactic peculiarities of Chinese yes/no questions. Starting from the observation that Standard Mandarin shares significant typological features with prototypical SOV languages, Chinese is treated as an underlyingly verb-final language. Based on this heuristic principle, A-not-AB, AB-not-A and AB-not questions are uniformly derived by means of one simple raising rule that operates within the sentence constituent V'. This novel idea is elaborated on in great detail in the first part of the article. In contrast to the prevailing trend, it is argued that the question operator contained in A-not-A and A-not sentences CANNOT be raised to "Comp". In consequence, A-not-A and A-not questions are "typed" in the head position of a sentence-internal functional phrase that we call Force2 Phrase (F2P) in the present paper. This position is not to be confused with Drubig's (1994) Polarity 1 Phrase (PollP), in the head position of which assertive negations and an abstract affirmative element are located. The existence of a head position F2° other than Poll° is supported by the fact that F2° can be occupied by certain overt question operators, such as assertive shi-bu-shi, which are compatible with negations. In contrast to the assertive question operator shi-bu-shi which is obligatorily associated with information focus, non-assertive shi-bu-shi serves as a compound focus and question operator whose focus feature is complex insofar as it is composed of two subfeatures: a contrastivity and an exhaustivity subfeature. Non-assertive shi-bu-shi is obligatorily associated with identificational focus in the sense of Kiss (1998). In accordance with some basic ideas of Chomsky's checking theory, the two subfeatures of the complex focus feature carried by the non-assertive shi-bu-shi operator check a correlating subfeature in the head position of a corresponding functional phrase (Contrastive Phrase and Focus Phrase, respectively). The question feature contained in the non-assertive shi-bu-shi operator is attracted by the head of Force1 Phrase (F1') at the level of LF. Due to the fact that F1° is sentence-final, the question feature of non-assertive shi-bu-shi must be Chomsky-adjoined to F1'. Unlike identificational focus phrases which are inherently contrastive, topics are non-contrastive in the default case. As separate speech acts, they are located in a c-commanding position outside the sentence structure. Semantically, there is a difference between Frame-Setting Topics and Aboutness Topics. As shown in the article, both A-not-A and A-not questions on the one hand and yes/no questions ending with ma on the other can be used in neutral and non-neutral contexts. The decisive advantage of mu questions, however, is that their question operator has scope over the whole sentence

Topics in Chinese syntax : word order in synchrony and diachrony.

SIGLEAvailable from British Library Document Supply Centre-DSC:DXN035550 / BLDSC - British Library Document Supply CentreGBUnited Kingdo

Why might SOV be initially preferred and then lost or recovered? A theoretical framework

Little is known about why SOV order is initially preferred and then discarded or recovered. Here we present a framework for understanding these and many related word order phenomena: the diversity of dominant orders, the existence of free words orders, the need of alternative word orders and word order reversions and cycles in evolution. Under that framework, word order is regarded as a multiconstraint satisfaction problem in which at least two constraints are in conflict: online memory minimization and maximum predictability.Preprin

Struggling for Structure: cognitive origins of grammatical diversity and their implications for the Human Faculty of Language

There are between 5,000 and 8,000 distinct living languages spoken in the world today that are characterized by both exceptional diversity as well as significant similarities. Many researchers believe that at least part of this ability to communicate with language arises from a uniquely human Faculty of Language (c.f. Hauser, Chomsky, & Fitch, 2002; Pinker & Jackendoff, 2005)

The placement of the head that maximizes predictability: An information theoretic approach

The minimization of the length of syntactic dependencies is a well-established principle of word order and the basis of a mathematical theory of word order. Here we complete that theory from the perspective of information theory, adding a competing word order principle: the maximization of predictability of a target element. These two principles are in conflict: to maximize the predictability of the head, the head should appear last, which maximizes the costs with respect to dependency length minimization. The implications of such a broad theoretical framework to understand the optimality, diversity and evolution of the six possible orderings of subject, object and verb, are reviewed.Peer ReviewedPostprint (published version

Mermaid construction : An introduction and summary

National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistic

Chinese Word Order and the Two Typological Exceptions: A Scalar Approach

Conventional discussions on the VO/OV typology highlight two perceived "exceptions" in Chinese word order, particularly concerning the placement of relative clauses and adpositional phrases. In this paper, we argue that these seemingly exceptional Chinese word order patterns align with the broader linguistic tendencies of the language rather than being genuine deviations from typological norms. To demonstrate this, we analyze Chinese word orders across 15 parameters and attempt to rank them on a scalar continuum, comparing them to other languages. We assign a score of [-1] to the head-initial pattern parameter, [+1] to the head-final pattern parameter, and [0] for patterns accommodating both. Chinese is expected to exhibit a head-initial tendency; however, the data does not align with this expectation. Notably, it manifests a strong head-final tendency in NPs and VPs, achieving a [+6] score that aligns it closely with OV languages. Consequently, the placement of relative clauses and adpositional phrases in Chinese conforms to the typical pattern of OV languages, and thus, it need not be considered exceptional