4,186 research outputs found

    The Effect of Far Right Parties on the Location Choice of Immigrants: Evidence from Lega Nord Mayors

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    Immigration has increasingly taken centre-stage in the political landscape. Part of this has been rise in far-right, anti-immigration parties in a range of countries. Existing evidence suggests that the presence of immigrants has a substantial effect on the political views of the electorate, generating an advantage to these parties with anti-immigration or nationalist platforms. This paper explores a closely related issue but overlooked issue: how immigrant behavior is influenced by these parties. We focus on immigrant location decisions in Northern Italy which has seen the rise of the anti-immigration party Lega Nord. We construct a dataset of mayoral elections in Italy for the years 2002-2014, and calculate the effect of electing a mayor belonging to, or supported by Lega Nord. To identify this relationship we focus on mayors who have been elected with narrow margins of victory in a Regression Discontinuity framework. The election of Lega Nord mayor discourages immigrants from moving into the municipality

    Fathers of the Lega Nord?

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    Dissatisfied and Disenchanted: How Italians View European and National Politics? eupinions brief | February 2018

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    The outcome of the Italian elections remains uncertain. It seems to be a fight between three major political forces, Forza Italia, Lega Nord and the Five Star Movement, all of which score high on populist and Eurosceptic rhetoric. For many years, Italian public opinion was characterized by strong support for and belief in European integration. Today, many actors on the Italian political scene are vocalising their doubts and disappointments about the EU. Yet, the question remains if the Italian public is equally sceptical of the European project

    Caring for the elderly in the family or in the nation? Gender, women and migrant care labour in the Lega Nord

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    This article aims at gendering our understanding of populist radical right ideology, policy and activism in Italy. It does so by focusing on migrant care labour, which provides a strategic site for addressing the relationship between anti-immigration politics and the gendered and racialised division of work. Three arrangements and understandings of elderly care are analysed, whereby care work should be performed ‘in the family and in the nation’, ‘in the family/outside the nation’ and ‘in the nation/outside the family’. Party documents and interviews with women activists are used to show how the activists’ views and experiences partly diverge from the Lega Nord rhetoric and policy on immigration, gender and care work. The article locates populist radical right politics in the context of the international division of reproductive labour in Italy and suggests the relevance of analysing gender relations in populist radical right parties in connection with national care regimes

    Culture, Values and Social Basis of Northern Italian Centrifugal Regionalism. A Contextual Political Analysis of the Lega Nord

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    The Lega Nord intended to create a party which represented the whole of the northern regions, capable to defend their interests and culture. If we examine the profile of people that voted for the Lega Nord, we find some discordant features compared to the project. A large majority of the party’s electorate naturally supports federalism and devolution. However, the party’s electorate paradoxically displays value trends and convictions that, for many aspects are in countertendency compared to the population of northern Italy, and much closer to those of the southern electorate. The relationship between the Lega Nord and northern society remain ambivalent and the party is unable to represent the whole of value instances that its citizens consider most important. Bossi’s party gave only partly expression to the dominant ideas and values in northern Italy. It would seem a quite strange paradox for a regionalist party born to draw attention to the northern question. A paradox which is all interior to political dynamics, where actors interact in a complex way, considering the context in which they are included, that binds them, but doesn’t determine them: far from being the expression of a homogeneous territory as regards culture and values, the Lega Nord is a particular political actor that builds its own identity by selecting themes and questions to represent. On the other hand, the North presents some very noteworthy interior differences both in territorial and socio-cultural terms; even if in the last years some converging dynamics are emerging around the medium enterprise model with long networks. Centrifugal regionalism reveals deep conflicts not only between territories, but also and above all, within the same regional territory, of the same “regional culture”, showing this way the value heterogeneity internal to every territory. The Lega was able to intercept and mobilize a specific type of electorate – present above all in particular territorial contexts and within the popular and less educated sectors of the population – that on the point of view of values, of public spirit and of social attitudes, is distinguishable from the prevailing trends within the northern population and resembles the most diffused ones in the South. The Lega Nord was able to obtain support especially in these areas, by reinforcing fears, prejudices and some specific value trends of its inhabitants. By acting in such way, however, it progressively mobilized around a number of political matters quite distinctive different from the territorial ones, engaging itself rather in the defence of identity and national frontiers. The chapter presents inedit analysis and new survey dat

    Picturing the Other: Targets of Delegitimization across Time

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    Italian Fascist propaganda was compared with contemporary right-wing material to explore how political propaganda depicts specific target groups in different historical periods. Taking the theory of delegitimization as the theoretical framework, we analyzed visual images concerning despised social groups used by the Fascist regime and current images of contemporary targets of social resentment used by Lega Nord (currently part of the governing coalition). Images of Jewish and Black people published in the Fascist magazine La Difesa della Razza were classified according to eight delegitimizing strategies, as were images of immigrants used on Lega Nord propaganda posters. Although the target group has changed, six of the eight strategies of delegitimization were used in both periods. In most cases, overlap was found in the way target groups were portrayed in the past and in the present

    “We are against Islam!”: The Lega Nord and the Islamic folk devil

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    © 2012 the Author(s). This article has been published under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License. Without requesting permission from the Author or SAGE, you may further copy, distribute, transmit, and adapt the article, with the condition that the Author and SAGE Open are in each case credited as the source of the article.Since 1995, the Italian Lega Nord (LN) political party has depicted itself as the defender of Padania, a territory that covers the mainly affluent regions of Northern Italy. Around this politico-spatial territory, the LN has shaped an identity based on the notion of Popolo Padano (the Padanian People). Since the new millennium, LN rhetoric has increasingly focused—stemming more from the demands of realpolitik than those of conviction—on opposing irregular immigration per se and, more specifically, Islam and Muslim immigration. In the eyes of the LN propagandists and their media, the theology of Islam and its practitioners represent a growing threat to the modern Italian and Padanian identity (and tradition). The LN has not been alone in using the media to oppose Islam; the Italian media has reinforced LN messages; Muslims are generally depicted as dangerous and compared with terrorists and their religion and culture are described as the opposite of Italian/West values. Something approximating to a “moral panic” around this issue has ensued. Integral to this are notions of morality combined with practices of moral entrepreneurship. What follows seeks to highlight the LN’s stereotypical depictions of Islam. This evaluation is important because the LN was a major player in former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi’s government (2008-2011) and is still a significant party among the Italian political spectrum. Integral to what follows are the following questions: “Is contemporary Islamic immigration a threat to the Italian (and Padanian) way of life?” and “Are the perceived threats to be found in the periodic uncertainties that societies suffer or might we need to search for wider processes?

    Cannons and Rubber boats: Oriana Fallaci and the 'Clash of Civilizations'

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    Written in October 2001 as a 'gut reaction' to the attack on the Twin Towers, and published first as a long article in the daily Corriere della Sera and then in book form (in its original shape, twice as long as the article) in December 2001, Oriana Fallaci's pamphlet La rabbia e l'orgoglio ('Anger and pride') was in its twenty-sixth edition when I bought it in September 2004. Its follow-up, La forza della ragione ('The force of reason'), has already sold 800,000 copies since its publication in 2004. Oriana Fallaci has emerged after 9/11 as the strongest and most vocal Italian representative of the 'clash of civilizations' theory. This essay analyses the constitutive elements of her discourse (Italian nationalism, values instead of history and politics, and violent speech conflating Islam, terrorism and immigrants) and tries to understand its appeal and the sources of its authority in Fallaci's career, in order to outline the specific Italian version of the clash of civilizations theory

    Regioonide poliitiline institutsionaliseerumine: Lega Nordi "Padania" projekti nÀitel

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    Antud töö eesmĂ€rgiks oli selgitada, kuidas Lega Nordi eestvedamisel toimuv Padania regiooni loomine vastab regioonide institutsionaliseerimist kĂ€sitlevate teooriatega. Töö esimene osa andis ĂŒlevaate teooriatest, mis kĂ€sitlevad regioonide institutsionaliseerumist ning regionaalse identiteedi teket. Töö teise osa eesmĂ€rk oli rakendada teoreetilist raamistikku konkreetsele juhtumile, et analĂŒĂŒsida Lega Nordi edukust Padania regiooni institutsionaliseerimisel. Juhtumi analĂŒĂŒsimisel vĂ”tsin aluseks Anssi Paasi regioonide teket kĂ€sitleva neljaetapilise teooria. Lega Nordi Padania projekti eristab teistest regionaalsetest liikumistest see, et partei nĂ”udmistel puudub ajalooline alus antud piirkonnale. SeetĂ”ttu on partei asunud looma Padania identiteeti, et Ă”igustada oma territoriaalseid ning poliitilisi nĂ”udmisi. Lega Nordi retoorika lĂ€htub peamiselt PĂ”hja-ja LĂ”una-Itaalia vastandamisest, lisaks on partei kriitiline Itaalia riigi liialt tsentraliseeritud juhtimise osas. Oma nĂ”udmiste Ă”igustamise eesmĂ€rgil rĂ”hub partei peamiselt majanduslikele erinevustele Itaalia regioonide vahel, seletades neid erineva ajaloolise ning kultuurilise taustaga. Oma tegevusega on Lega Nord esitanud tĂ”sise vĂ€ljakutse Itaalia riigile, seades kĂŒsimuse alla riigi rahvusliku ĂŒhtsuse ning identiteedi. Padania identiteedi loomise eesmĂ€rgil on Lega Nord asunud konstrueerima regiooni ĂŒhist mineviku. Selleks on partei kasutanud mitmesuguseid ajaloolisi elemente, ĂŒritades anda neile tĂ€napĂ€evast tĂ€hendust, et luua Padania regioonile seelĂ€bi ajaloolist kontinuiteeti. Regionaalse identiteedi tugevdamise eesmĂ€rgil on Lega Nord vĂ”tnud kasutusele mitmesuguseid sĂŒmboleid ning asutanud regionaalseid institutsioone, eesmĂ€rgiga kaasata erinevaid ĂŒhiskondlikke gruppe. Padania regiooni territoriaalne piiritlemine ei ole alati olnud konkreetne, kuid sellele vaatamata ĂŒritab Lega Nord kujutada antud ala ĂŒlejÀÀnud Itaaliast erineva piirkonnana. Oma tegevusega ei ole Lega Nord saavutanud Padania regiooni administratiivset staatust, kuid sellest hoolimata on partei suutnud tĂ”statada arutelu föderalismist kui ĂŒhest vĂ”imalikust tulevikustsenaariumist Itaalia ĂŒhiskonnas.http://www.ester.ee/record=b4484793*es

    Lega Nord: Progression of the Populist Movement

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    Since World War II the Italian political system has been volatile with numerous government turnovers. It was in 1946 the government switched to a democratic republic, and since then, the number of turnovers has exceeded 60. (Background 4) A consequence of this instability is differing coalitions continually vying for power. In order for a coalition to succeed, member parties must garner support and remain loyal to their alliances. The smallest, yet most important part of a coalition alliance is the periphery parties which share some common ideologies and compromise in order to compete with other parties for reform. A relatively new party which has come into existence in the Italian political system is Lega Nord, or more simply put, the Northern League. This party is currently the smallest and periphery party of a coalition, yet it has used its position to its advantage in order to pass numerous reforms through a series of compromises regarding issues which revolve around life and liberty of the Italian citizen. The Northern League has overcome many obstacles since its formation in the early 1990\u27s, and thus adapted itself into a party which will continue to enjoy success in the foreseeable future. There were many times after its creation that the Northern League was left susceptible to problems which possibly could have led to, what some believed, inevitable failure. However, its strength grew from failures and these failures provided useful learning experiences which helped direct the League into a steadier foundation for its future endeavors. It is only with studying the progressive history of this party, from the creation of Lega Nord and its modest rise, to the present state. This timeline will highlight certain views the party held at different times, behaviors, and strategies so one can understand its present place, failures, and ultimate triumph as a sustainable party in the Italian political system
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