Fishing for a Solution

Fishing for a Solution provides a detailed, policy-based account of the development of Canada's fisheries relations with the European Union. It covers over 35 years of this contentious international relationship, from the extension of Canada's fisheries jurisdiction to 200 miles in 1977 and the creation of the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries Organization (NAFO) two years later, to the development of a proposed new NAFO Convention in 2007, which awaits formal approval. Based on the experience of participants from inside the deliberations and negotiations, the book explores the impact of Canada's internal politics on international fisheries negotiations. For anyone interested in the workings of Canadian foreign policy, resource policy or in the complexities of managing international relations, it offers a unique account of the development of Canada-EU fisheries relations, blending the academic perspective of a long-time student of those relations with the insights of two former senior public servants who led the international affairs directorate of Canada's Department of Fisheries and Oceans

The Foreign Policy of Islamist Political Parties

Asks how representatives of Political Islam are conducting themselves in the field of international politics Includes a Preface by Olivier Roy The first up-to-date, detailed analysis of how Islamist forces in the Middle East try to redefine the relationships of power within the international system post-2010 Looks at how Islamist ideology has evolved in the face of reality (e.g. opening up to democratic principles or co-operating with non-Muslim states) Analyses the ways in which political Islam’s actors put their ideology into practice with regard to foreign policy and IR Does political Islam have a specific vision of global politics? How has the foreign policy of Islamist forces developed in order to impose their ideas onto the diplomatic agenda of other countries? How do these actors perceive the world, international affairs, and the way Islamic countries should engage with the international system? Eager to break with the dominant grammar of international relations, and instead to fuse Muslim states in a unique religious and political entity, Muslim actors have had to face up to the realities that they had promised to transform. Drawing on a series of case studies, this collective work sheds light on six national trajectories of Islamism: in Morocco (the Party of Justice and Development), Tunisia (Ennhada), Egypt (the Muslim Brotherhood), Palestine (Hamas), Lebanon (Hizbullah) and Turkey (AKP). It looks at what has been produced by the representatives of political Islam in each case, and the way these representatives have put their words and their ideological aspirations into action within their foreign policies

Chapter Introduzione. Umberto Gori e le Relazioni Internazionali in Italia

Umberto Gori has held the first chair of International Relations in Italy and has been the first scholar to address a series of central topics in the analysis of foreign policy and international politics. Those who browse, even if only rapidly, his rich bibliography cannot but be struck by the great variety of the topics examined: from the first works of a predominantly legal nature, we move on to studies centered on methodological and epistemological issues, relations between states, analysis of foreign policy in general and Italian foreign policy in particular, Peace Research, strategic affairs, intelligence, and finally the impact of the information and digital revolution on international politics and contemporary strategy. What holds together so many different issues is, firstly, a constant attention to methodology and, secondly, a clear preference for a predominantly operational approach, in the belief that knowledge must always be functional to decision and action. These basic attitudes are reflected not only in his strongly characterized research agenda, but also in the twofold nature of his teaching commitment: on the one hand, Gori taught outside the university classrooms, at military and governmental institutions, for decades; on the other hand, he introduced issues traditionally reserved to diplomacy and security institutions into the Italian academic context. Such a propensity to build bridges between different worlds - academic, military, technological, diplomatic, financial - and a research vocation that has never failed make Umberto Gori a figure indissolubly linked to the birth and development of International Relations in Italy

Single-issue extra-parliamentary groups and liberal internationalism, 1899-1920

This thesis provides an analysis of liberal internationalism at a critical point in its development, as manifested by the single-issue extra-parliamentary groups: the South Africa Conciliation Committee, the League of Liberals Against Aggression and Militarism, the Balkan Committee, the British Armenia Committee, the League of Nations Society and the League of Nations Union. They operated in a period of heightened international tension, beginning as it did with the capitalist inspired war in Southern Africa and culminating with the hopes for a new international order to supersede the 'international anarchy' of the pre-1914 years. They advocated an ethical foreign policy where the individual could play an important part in its advancement. Consequently, the 'scratch crowd' or 'stage army of the good' attracted to such groups serve as an important indicator of public attitudes to British foreign policy and international relations. Enthused with a belief in a world united in peace and co-operation they were primarily a combination of radical parliamentarians, journalists, academics and lawyers such as Lord Bryce, Noel Buxton, Aneurin Williams, J. A. Hobson, H. N. Brailsford, and Arnold Toynbee. In studying these groups collectively, the development of liberal internationalism from a post-Gladstonian moralist attitude derived from an evangelical religious sentiment, to an institutionalism of an entirely secular character becomes apparent, as does the centrality of the Eastern Question to their understanding of the international system and the policies they advocated for the rights of oppressed peoples to self-determination and the league of Nations. The effective use of insider/outsider strategies enabled the liberal internationalists to manage the interaction of British public opinion, international affairs and foreign policy at a significant juncture in the development of domestic and international politics

The Foreign Policy of Islamist Political Parties

Asks how representatives of Political Islam are conducting themselves in the field of international politics Includes a Preface by Olivier Roy The first up-to-date, detailed analysis of how Islamist forces in the Middle East try to redefine the relationships of power within the international system post-2010 Looks at how Islamist ideology has evolved in the face of reality (e.g. opening up to democratic principles or co-operating with non-Muslim states) Analyses the ways in which political Islam’s actors put their ideology into practice with regard to foreign policy and IR Does political Islam have a specific vision of global politics? How has the foreign policy of Islamist forces developed in order to impose their ideas onto the diplomatic agenda of other countries? How do these actors perceive the world, international affairs, and the way Islamic countries should engage with the international system? Eager to break with the dominant grammar of international relations, and instead to fuse Muslim states in a unique religious and political entity, Muslim actors have had to face up to the realities that they had promised to transform. Drawing on a series of case studies, this collective work sheds light on six national trajectories of Islamism: in Morocco (the Party of Justice and Development), Tunisia (Ennhada), Egypt (the Muslim Brotherhood), Palestine (Hamas), Lebanon (Hizbullah) and Turkey (AKP). It looks at what has been produced by the representatives of political Islam in each case, and the way these representatives have put their words and their ideological aspirations into action within their foreign policies

The Diplomatic History of Global Women’s Rights: The British Foreign Office and International Women’s Year, 1975

This article explores the British Foreign Office's engagement with International Women's Year (IWY) in 1975, an event which has been viewed as a milestone in histories of transnational feminist activism, and a moment when the status of women became part of mainstream thinking about development, human rights and global security. Much of the existing literature on IWY dwells on the role of non-state actors, especially women's NGOs active at the United Nations (UN). In contrast, this article shifts the lens on to state actors, in order to ask what role diplomats, politicians and ministries of foreign affairs played in the construction of ‘women’ as a global political subject in the late twentieth century. It finds that the Foreign Office's reading of IWY was refracted through the prism of Cold War power politics and postcolonial struggles. Gender politics was conceptualised as essentially a proxy for these larger ideological battles, an approach dating back to Britain's semi-clandestine anti-communist propaganda campaigns after the Second World War. British women's NGOs, by contrast, insisted that women's activism should be accorded an independent dynamic of its own, imagining the possibilities of gender-based solidarities operating across political, social and economic divides. IWY and the subsequent UN Decade for Women tempered this idealism and set the international women's movement on a political learning curve. But, as the article will suggest, the 1970s was also a moment when state elites were forced to confront a new kind of global politics, the repercussions of which for the conduct of foreign policy and diplomatic relations only further fine-grained archival research can fully reveal

Институционализация образа японии в государственном внешнеполитическом дискурсе

The article is devoted to the development of the modern politics of identity construction in Japan, which actively refers to the practice of designing self-image in international relations. This trend dates back to the 19th century, when there was the end of Sakoku (Japan’s policy of isolation). It is now possible to talk about the institutionalization of the identity construction policy to organized structures and regulations. Enhanced efforts in the field of Japanese traditional and popular culture, education and creative content has led to a number of institutions appearance (like Japan Foundation Fund, Japan Creative Agency, Japan Culture Fund, Agency for Cultural Affairs, Cool Japan Fund, Japan brand Fund) and changing idea about the role of culture in foreign policy realization (it is fixed the documents of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry), as well as a number of projects (Cool Japan, Visit Japan, Japan Culture Power, Japan Manga Awards, Kawaii Ambassadors, Cosplay International Fest and etc.). These efforts are aimed at forming Japan identity abroad to solve a number of foreign policy challenges of the future and the development of economic cooperation. The Japanese government nearest plans is to increase funding in order to create a positive image of Japan in the region of East Asia. All of these allows us to speak about the policy of the Japanese construction of identity as an institutionalized process in which there was clearance of organizations and regulatory activities

Japanese Worldviews, Ideologies, and Foreign Aid Policy

This project studies the ideational factors influencing Japanese foreign aid policy. It builds on previous research in political science on perception and foreign policy decision-making, Japanese political economy, economic and technological development, foreign aid, and in anthropology on perception, worldview, and international development. The main goal of the research is to answer the question of how Japan\u27s historical experiences with technology, development, and foreign relations (and key leaders\u27 views of those areas) from 1850 to 1945 have influenced current aid policies. Second, the project aims to answer whether the Japanese development concepts of modernization, internationalization and translative adaptation accurately reflect Japan\u27s own experience. Third, the project asks how spirituality and religion may be influencing current aid policies. In the research, I review key contexts of Japan\u27s historical experience from 1850 to 1945 in several important areas. I also study the beliefs and worldviews (cognitive frameworks) of seven key Japanese leaders for the same period: Fukuzawa Yukichi, Mori Arinori, Ito Hirobumi, Yamagata Aritomo, Kato Hiroyuki, Yanagita Kunio, and Emperor Hirohito. I analyze these historical experiences and leaders\u27 views through analytical concepts and lenses from political science, anthropology, and economics, in three main areas: development, technology, and cognition. Among my key findings are that there is much continuity between Japan\u27s prewar culture of politics and the postwar system, including examples and ideas, which shape the policy environment in which Japan\u27s aid operates. Many of these are negative in nature, and some are ideas based on Japan\u27s own development experience. Several key lessons emerge, including the importance of: 1) a strong civil society to prevent abusive politics for the achievement of Japan\u27s national interests, whether in its prewar politics or the current aid system; 2) a strong, effective state for encouraging successful development; 3) Japan\u27s development experience for other regions (if carefully applied); and 4) the concept of translative adaptation, the idea that each nation\u27s development must be customized for its own conditions and experiences. I conclude that Japan needs better consideration of ground level factors in its assessments of ODA policy and international affairs

Nigeria and the Dilemma of Global Relevance: Foreign Policy under Military Dictatorship (1993-1999)

This paper examines the metamorphosis of Nigeria’s foreign policy from its traditional posture of a responsible nation in the international community, to a reckless player under the military between 1993 and 1999. Nigeria’s reputation as a respectable state diminished under the Abacha regime, whose tyranny led to multiple violations of human rights and breaches of international moral and legal codes. This infamous posture eroded Nigeria’s track record of provision of regional and global leadership. Its mineral and oil wealth had naturally imposed extra burdens of leadership in the continent of Africa and the world. The paper critically a ppraises this significant transition and departure from traditional foreign policy posture and international image during the Abacha era; and using the decision-making model of analysis, it discovers that with the Abacha intervention, a new chapter of domestic travails (anti-democracy activities, state-sponsored terrorism, poor human rights records, large-scale corruption and financial crimes, and the creation of artificial insulation against the world), coupled with an unorthodox manner of dealing with the international community commenced, which clouded the good image of the past. Nigeria thus got alienated in the global system. This paper identifies the pacifist role of the successive Abubakar regime, but submits that despite that approach, the grey area s such as the sudden death of Chief MKO Abiola (winner of the June 12 presidential elections) in his (Abubakar’s custody), did not allow for a complete restoration of Nigeria’s golden era of internationalism. Both regimes had thus bequeathed to the nation an unorthodox foreign policy and an unusual image, a development that compels a curious enquiry. The paper adopts a theoretical approach and relies exclusively on secondary data for analysis

State identity in foreign politics: explanation of differences in Estonian foreign policy towards Russia and Georgia

After Estonia joined the European Union and NATO in 2004, there has been a lot of talk about what Estonian identity in foreign politics is and what it should be. There has also been some debate about whether Estonia is too aggressive in its relations with Russia. Building on Alexander Wendt’s idea of social constructivism, we analyzed Estonian foreign policy towards Russia and Georgia. Estonia has close relations with both of the countries. Also both of the countries have had some internal problems in regards to democracy. We looked at the representations of Russia and Georgia in the speeches of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The analysis starts with the year 1994 as the transition period started to stabilize and clear long-term policies were beginning to be formed. After analyzing the representations of Russia and Georgia we also looked at the representation of the 2008 conflict between Russia and Georgia in the discourse of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. In general, Russia is seen as aggressive actor in International Relations that does not respect international law and is unwilling to cooperate in economic and boarder issues. After concluding that Georgia is represented mainly as a recipient of development aid and as a victim in the conflict, we looked at Estonian own identity. Estonian self-representation as a democratic European country conflicts with Russian and Georgian type identity, as both of them are less democratic. In the case of relations with Georgia it does not stop the formation of collective identity, which is mainly based on homogeneity and common fate. However, in relations with Russia it adds to the already existing image of Russia being an aggressive state that is unpredictable. In short, it further disables the formation of a collective identity, which is a base for friendly relations between countries. In conclusion, we can see that different identities influence relations differently depending on the context and that in the course of interaction these identities are being constantly reproduced.http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2624691~S1*es