Statecraft and Pursuing Women's Rights in Africa

This particular primer maps key areas of feminist analysis and intervention in governance. Based on existing research on the major factors that hinder women's political participation, emphasis is placed on electoral systems, political parties, quotas and national constitutional mechanisms. These are also areas where the impact of the women's rights movement has been felt. This primer therefore assesses the ways in which women's participation in governance has been assured, the challenges arising from these approaches, and lessons therein. This primer is intended to benefit women's rights activists and organisations at the frontline of local and national mobilisation initiatives that  seek to enhance women's leadership. We hope the primer is useful for building alliances and structuring support across various institutions working towards enhancing women's political participation

Elites and institutions : literature review

Exploring elites and their relations to institutions can assist understanding the day-to-day realities of politics in Africa (Chabal and Daloz 1999, Amundsen 2001, Lindberg 2003). This review is a scoping exercise in what has been written on the subject in recent years. The main task of the review is to summarise current understandings of how elites work with and through political institutions in Africa. There is a huge literature in this subject area. We have tried to pick out a) that which is most pertinent and non-repetitive, and b) that which raises as many questions as it provides answers. On the whole we have focused on literature published in the last five to ten years and we have inclined towards the literature on Anglophone Africa. The review is presented as follows: Section 1 is an introduction to Africa’s recent political landscape and it introduces some of the major issues that appear in the literature. Section 2 provides some working definitions of elites, institutions and democratisation as three of the recurring themes in the review. Section 3 reviews literature broadly on democratisation in Africa and specifically on elections and elites. Section 4 examines how political parties have evolved over the last 15 years. Section 5 reviews the three branches of government and Section 6 briefly examines decentralisation and its relation to elites and politics. The remaining sections of the review move outside the more formal political structures to examine the media (Section 7), civil society (Section 8), women’s movements (Section 9), Trades unions (Section 10) and business associations (Section 11). The final Section 12 pulls out a number of gaps in the research that we have identified in the course of the review. Section 13 contains a complete bibliography of citations used in the review. It is crucial to remember that Africa’s experiences of democratisation are no more than 15 years old, and many scholars have cautioned that it is still very early to draw any definite conclusions (Amundsen 2001; Randall and Svasand 2002). Inhaltsverzeichnis: 1. Africa’s political landscape 3 * Diversity of ‘Africa’ 4 * Elections do not mean democracy 4 * Presidentialism 4 * Ethnicity 5 * Personal rule and patronage 5 2. Definitions 6 * Elites 6 * Political institutions 7 * Democratisation 8 3. Democratisation and elites 8 * Elections 9 * Elites and elections 13 4. Political parties 16 5. Branches of government 17 * The executive 17 * The legislature 18 * The Judiciary 20 6. Decentralisation 20 7. Media 21 * Radio 25 * Television 25 * Newspapers 25 * Internet 26 8. Civil society 26 9. Women’s movements 29 10. Trade unions 32 11. Business associations 34 12. Gaps in the research 36 13. Bibliography 3

WP 81 - An overview of women’s work and employment in Botswana

*Management Summary* This report provides information on Botswana on behalf of the implementation of the DECISIONS FOR LIFE project in that country. The DECISIONS FOR LIFE project aims to raise awareness amongst young female workers about their employment opportunities and career possibilities, family building and the work-family balance. This report is part of the Inventories, to be made by the University of Amsterdam, for all 14 countries involved. It focuses on a gender analysis of work and employment. History (2.1.1). Shortly after impoverished Botswana gained independence in 1966, the discovery of rich deposits of diamonds transformed its prospects radically. A market economy combined with state investment in infrastructure, health and education led between 1966-2000 to an average per capita GDP growth of nearly 7%, followed by fluctuating growth. Yet, income inequality is high and rising. Governance (2.1.2). Botswana has been praised as a rather unique example of an enduring multi-party democracy with a record of sound economic management. It has voluntarily abandoned foreign aid. The representation of women in politics is remarkably weak, with after the 2009 general elections only four women (6.5%) in parliament. Violence against women seems widespread. Prospects (2.1.3). Botswana may be able counteract effects of the current economic and financial crisis to some extent through its cautious financial policies and low external debt, but the worldwide slump in the demand for diamonds may have serious consequences. Communication (2.2). Over four of each five inhabitants are cell phone users. Internet coverage is still low, with in 2007 about 5% of the population as users.TV and radio have considerable coverage. The sectoral labour market structure (2.3). In 2005-06, 25% of all 257,000 employed women worked in agriculture, against 64% in services, broadly defined. About 39% worked in the informal sector. Female unemployment is higher than male, and stood in 2006 narrowly defined at nearly 20% and broadly defined at 38%. We calculated that narrowly defined 31% and broadly defined 48% of girls and women 15-29 of age living in urban areas were unemployed. Legislation (2.4.1). Botswana has ratified the core ILO Labour Conventions, but in practice the right of association is quite restricted. Effecting the right to strike is nearly impossible. Many employers still trample workers’ rights, and the government is either unable or unwilling to confront them. Labour relations and wage-setting (2.4.2). The union movement is rather weak, and unions mostly small. 2008 estimates point at a union density of 20% in the formal economy, or 10% of the total labour force. Actually BFTU is the only union confederation, with a separate public sector federation being set up. Collective bargaining coverage is formally 98%, but employers unilaterally decide the content of most collective agreements. Government and employers’ policies of wage restraint led to real wage growth during 1980-2003 being on average less than 1.3% yearly, and in the 2000s even negative. The statutory minimum wage (2.5.1). The current statutory minimum wage (SMW) is, with Pula 2.10 – 3.80 hourly, set in April 2008. It does not provide a decent standard of living for workers and their families, and was only about 20% of the 2008 average wage in the formal sector. Poverty (2.5.2). By 2002-03, 30% of the population lived below a national poverty line. Nearly two of three poor were rural, and most of them were women. In many ways female-headed households prove to be vulnerable, in rural but also in urban areas. Population and fertility (2.6.1). Population growth has been falling, most likely to an expected 1.2% yearly in 2005-’15, with even a fall of the rural population. With 3.2 children per woman, the actual total fertility rate is still rather high, but (with 51 per 1,000) the adolescent fertility rate is quite low. Mainly because of the effects of HIV/AIDS life expectancy is continuously decreasing. HIV/AIDS (2.6.2). Botswana has the second highest HIV/AIDS infection rate in the world. In 2007, 300,000 inhabitants lived with HIV, and the HIV/AIDS prevalence rate for those aged 15-49 was estimated at 23%. Incidence and consequences of HIV/AIDS are biased against women. In recent years, HIV infection levels among pregnant women attending antenatal clinics in Botswana are decreasing. Women’s labour market share (2.6.3). In 2008, women’s overall share in paid employment was 41%, and highest in health and social work (65%), followed by other community services and finance (both 62%). 84% of all women in paid employment worked in services, broadly defined. Agriculture (2.6.4). Long-term productivity growth in agriculture has been less than 2% yearly. Agricultural development programmes have left highly unequal ownership relations intact. Thus, young women living in urban areas and trying to make a career cannot rely on a “fall-back scenario” in which they can go back to their families living from agriculture. Mining and manufacturing (2.6.5). Besides flourishing mining, manufacturing exports –notably of textiles-- encounter large problems, and the perspectives of manufacturing in Botswana remain quite insecure. Commerce (2.6.6). The wholesale and retail sector turns out to be a stable grower. In the sector at large, 45% of the workforce operated informally, in majority women. Supermarkets seem to remain a limited source of employment for women. Services (2.6.7). Transport /distribution and tourism (hotels and catering) seems to have the best employment perspectives. Expansion perspectives for the finance sector seem insecure in view of the current crisis. Government (2.6.8). Government is an attractive employer for (young) women, with comparatively high salaries, quite some high-level jobs, and employment stability. Local government jobs may be of particular interest for women in urban villages and rural areas. Literacy (2.7.1). The adult literacy rate --those age 15 and over that can read and write—was in 1995-2005 82%, and for females a fraction higher. Recently the youth literacy rate was 10%points higher, and even over 95% for females aged 15-24 years. Education of girls and young women (2.7.2). In 2005, the net enrollment rate in primary education was 84%, with girls 3%points higher than boys, while the primary completion rate of girls was over 7%points higher. With notably 69% for girls in 2009, actual enrollment in secondary education is high. In regular tertiary education by 2009 female participation lagged nearly 20% behind that of men. Female skill levels (2.7.3). In 2006, less than 12% of economically active Botswana women were unskilled, and 60% had completed second level second stage education. About 10,000 or 3.2% had completed tertiary education (high-skilled). We estimate the current size of our target group at about 14,000 girls and young women 15-29 of age, working in urban areas in commercial services in formal employment. Wages (2.8.1). Earnings vary widely between industries, occupational groups, urban and rural areas, and citizens and non-citizens. In 2005-06, the country’s total gender pay gap was 19%, but industries with large shares of females showed gaps of over 30%, also if considerable parts of women were (high-)skilled. Among professionals and technicians / associate professionals women on average had a wage advantage, as well as in central government. However, in private business women experienced a 37% pay gap. Working conditions (2.8.2). Working weeks turn out to be quite long in Botswana, judged by the share working usually 45 hours or more. For women, this share was over 60% in restaurants and hotels, wholesale and retail, and private households, in rural areas, among legislators and managers and among service workers.

Development Progress in sub-Saharan Africa: Lessons from Botswana, Ghana, Mauritius and South Africa

Botswana, Ghana, Mauritius and South Africa are sub-Saharan African countries that stand out for their development progress. Each of these countries has succeeded against the odds, against expectations. This paper synthesizes the common ingredients of these countries’ success, and derives lessons. It concludes that smallness, landlockedness, tropical location, distance from world markets, racism, colonialism and other challenges can be overcome through appropriate institutions, governance and good economic policies.sub-Saharan Africa, development, success, country role models

An overview of decentralization and local governance in Eastern and Southern Africa

This paper reviews the decentralization process in Eastern and Southern Africa. It begins with an analysis of the socio-economic as well as the political challenges confronting most countries in the region. This analysis places the decentralization debate into context as these challenges have a bearing on the outcome of any reforms undertaken. The paper goes on to define decentralization and local democracy in order to come up with a clear understanding of the different forms of decentralization as well as the tenets of local democracy.decentralization; local governance; democracy.

No. 19: Botswana: Migration Perspectives and Prospects

The Southern African Migration Project (SAMP) is committed to supporting basic research on the dimensions, causes and consequences of cross-border and internal migration within the SADC region and to making the results accessible to a range of partners. We believe that a well-informed policy-maker or official is more likely to appreciate the workability of policy choices in the area of migration and immigration management. Policies based on poor or misleading information will not only fail but could have negative unintended consequences. From a human rights perspective, we are concerned that without accurate information about migration, decisions may be made which will violate constitutional guarantees and arouse public hostility towards non-citizens. SAMP is also committed to conducting policy research at a regional scale. Research in one country, such as Botswana, can be systematically compared with the results from other SADC countries to highlight similarities and differences, and to ascertain the degree to which governments face similar challenges of migrant management and treatment. The information can also be useful to civil society and NGO’s as they attempt to deal with the challenges of migrant integration and xenophobia. Economic data on migration impacts can be invaluable to a wide range of actors, including government and the private sector. Ultimately, the successful management of migration in Southern Africa depends on inter-governmental cooperation in data collection and policy harmonization. This is a long-term goal which has been temporarily stalled by the legitimate opposition of governments to moving too far, too fast. The SADC Draft Protocol on the Free Movement of Persons and its more restrictive successor, the SADC Draft Protocol on the Facilitation of Movement, have both floundered and there is little immediate likelihood of a Protocol that it equally acceptable to all SADC states. SAMP believes that the next step, before such a debate is re-initiated, is to gather reliable and accurate data on the volumes, trends, causes, impacts and remedies of migration at a regional scale. Only then can there be informed debate and forward movement on regional harmonization. Botswana is a country with an unusually rich migration history. Batswana men and women have been migrating across colonial and international borders for decades for a multiplicity of reasons. Within the country, post-independence economic development and growth has been accompanied by rapid urbanization. Botswana’s current levels of urbanization make it one of the most urbanized countries within the SADC. As in many countries of the region, the monitoring of these processes through the ongoing collection of migration and immigration statistics is a challenging task. Botswana’s last census was in 1991 and there have been significant changes in migration movements and trends since that time. In this respect, the research community can play a vital role in supplementing official and census data collection with sound and representative inter-censual surveys of citizens and non-citizens, migrants and non-migrants. Botswana has a long and vigorous tradition of migration research. This began with the work of the noted anthropologist Isaac Schapera in the 1930s and 1940s, work that is still consulted by researchers today. Botswana’s pre-colonial and colonial history of internal and cross-border migration has now been well-documented. In the post-independence period, there have been regular contributions to understanding contemporary patterns and dynamics of internal and cross-border migration. The most notable enterprise was the Botswana National Migration Survey in 1979. This project provided an exhaustive analysis of migration within and from Botswana in the late 1970s. Since that time, most researchers have relied on data from the 1981 and 1991 censuses, supplemented by local area and sample surveys. Twenty years have passed since the NMS was conducted. The census data shows that the changes since that time have been dramatic. Much less in known about the changes since 1991. In an effort to provide the government and people of Botswana with basic, up-to-date information on migration trends, volumes, impacts, and attitudes, in 1997 SAMP entered into a research partnership with the International Training Programme in Population and Sustainable Development at the University of Botswana. This publication represents the first phase of this ongoing collaboration. It brings together the research findings from three national surveys of migration attitudes and behaviours undertaken in Botswana in 1997 and 1998. These were: (a) a national random sample survey of Batswana resident in Botswana at the time of the survey; (b) a sample survey of potential skilled Batswana migrants and emigrants; and (c) a survey of skilled and professional foreign citizens currently resident in Botswana. This first chapter in this publication, by Professor John Oucho, provides an invaluable background overview of domestic and migration trends in Botswana from 1981 to the present. He stresses the importance of accurate classification and definition of what he calls inward and outward migration. These distinctions are vital since different forms of migration are motivated by different dynamics and require a differentiated policy response. Professor Oucho demonstrates that Botswana’s recent migration history has been profoundly shaped by its vibrant economy and political system. Botswana sends out proportionately fewer migrants for work outside the country than other SADC states and is also a major recipient of legal skilled and professional migrants (and increasing numbers of undocumented migrants). As a migrant “sending and receiving” country, Botswana faces particular dilemmas and challenges. Botswana’s strategic recruiting and utilization of foreign skills is a forward-looking model for other countries in the region. There is always a danger, however, that unauthorized migrants will become the scapegoat for social problems (as has happened in South Africa) and that they will be treated with growing intolerance. This can only be countered if there is accurate information on the nature and impact of undocumented migration. What must also be a concern is the way in which South Africa treats Batswana citizens. Professor Oucho shows that the volume of cross-border traffic between Botswana and South Africa has now increased to over two million crossings a year. Significant numbers of Batswana are overstaying their permits in South Africa. So far, the South African government has not responded as harshly to unauthorized Batswana as it has to Mozambicans and Zimbabweans. But that could quickly change. It is in Botswana’s interests that migrants do not fall foul of South African immigration regulations. The paper by Professor Oucho is based primarily on official statistics and census data. This also helps us to appreciate that there are significant gaps in official data collection and knowledge on migration and immigration, particularly for the 1990s. After the next census we will be in a good position to assess the changes of this inter-censual period. However, the three SAMP/University of Botswana surveys undertaken in Botswana to date provide a new and vital national picture of the migration situation at the end of the 1990s. These surveys are in the tradition of the earlier NMS and are the first round of what we anticipate will be an ongoing migration research enterprise in Botswana. The second chapter by Elizabeth Mukamaambo presents the results of the first survey. This survey instrument – SAMP’s Five Nations Public Opinion Survey – has previously been administered in Lesotho, Mozambique, Namibia and Zimbabwe. The results of these surveys can be consulted elsewhere. Her chapter draws on this massive migration data base to contrast the Botswana experience with that of other SADC countries. In general the findings about Batswana migration behaviour and attitudes are similar to those of other SADC countries, with minor variations. For example, more than 40% of Batswana have been to South Africa at some point (comparable to Namibians but less than Mozambicans and Basotho). Many go often and for short visits of less than a month. Like migrants from other countries, they go for a variety of reasons but mainly shopping and visiting. However, relatively few Batswana (10%) went to work or to look for work on their last visit to South Africa. This is the lowest figure amongst the five countries surveyed. Also of interest is the evidence of considerable cross-border traffic between Botswana and its eastern neighbour, Zimbabwe. Batswana migrants are extremely law-abiding and respectful of international ports of entry. The vast majority enter South Africa legally and with proper papers. They show little interest in permanent residence or South African citizenship. In fact, Botswana is seen to be a much better place to live across a range of indicators. The chapter concludes by recommending that policy-makers in Botswana, South Africa and Zimbabwe take these results seriously and devise systems of management that do not obstruct such legal and economically constructive movements of people. The third chapter by Dr Eugene Campbell focuses on a sub-set of Batswana – the skilled and professional class. Using a mail-out survey of a representative sample of skilled Batswana from the private and public sectors, Dr Campbell assesses their satisfaction with conditions in Botswana and the likelihood of their leaving temporarily or emigrating permanently. The basic question is whether Botswana is experiencing or is likely to experience a “brain drain” in the near future. The survey showed that skilled Batswana have a significant “emigration potential.” Over 40% have given some or a great deal of thought to moving to another country. Nearly 60% expressed a desire to leave the country for up to two years; and 30% said it was likely that they would leave for more than two years. When asked about the time frame, however, only 3% said it was likely or very likely they would leave in the next five years. The preferred destination is the United States (27%) followed by South Africa (21%). The desire to move has little to do with alienation or dissatisfaction with Botswana. Most are intensely patriotic, trustful of the national government and committed to the development of their country. Only a handful would ever contemplate giving up Botswana citizenship. What skilled Batswana are interested in is not permanent emigration. But they are interested in leaving for further study, to better their qualifications or for personal economic advantage, such as lower taxation or higher wages. Domestic unemployment hardly emerged as a “push factor”, underscoring the high levels of job assurance for skilled nationals in Botswana. This could, of course, change rapidly if Botswana went through tougher economic times. As Dr Campbell concludes, “skilled migration is only going to grow and the government of Botswana would be well advised to address these issues in a proactive, rather than reactive, manner.” The final chapter by John Oucho visits the question of skilled expatriates in Botswana. This is the first survey of its kind in Botswana. In many countries, this is a very delicate political issue. Although there was some understandable wariness on the part of respondents, the participation rate was sufficient to allow some general conclusions to be made. The expatriates occupy a range of posts in both the private and public sector, come from an array of (primarily African) countries, and are significant earners by local standards. The overwhelming majority say that Botswana offers a better quality of life than in their own country. What is striking about Botswana (compared say with South Africa where skilled foreign Africans complain bitterly about their treatment by ordinary South Africans) is the lack of conflict and antagonism with locals. The vast majority of expatriates feel they are accepted and valued and report good relations with Batswana. Although the vast majority of expatriates are classified and treated as temporary residents, many desire a more permanent commitment. As many as half are interested in becoming permanent residents of Botswana and a third are even interested in renouncing their citizenship and becoming citizens of Botswana. These are noteworthy findings and demonstrate the commitment of many “expatriates” to what they increasingly see as their “adopted country.” Few countries within SADC promote permanent immigration and few have expatriates willing to put down roots. In Botswana, there is clearly a case for examining whether there would be advantages to securing the permanent commitment of this group of highly skilled people. In general, SAMP and its partners trust that the results of the surveys reported here will help government and civil society in Botswana to construct the knowledge base about migration that is urgently needed. These findings clearly reveal the distinctiveness of the Botswana experience with in and out migration. However, Botswana also shares many policy concerns and dilemmas about migration with its neighbour states. International experience shows that effective migration management is not something that a state can unilaterally implement. A renewed cooperative, regional, and harmonized approach (based on sound and reliable migration data and analysis) within SADC is therefore essential. This publication is designed to provide the people and government of Botswana with the information to advance confidently towards that goal

The Southern African Development Community and its Relations to the European Union. Deepening Integration in Southern Africa? ZEI Discussion Papers C169, 2007

[From the Introduction]. While the aim of deepening integration in Southern Africa seems quite evident, the question remains what challenges SADC will face on its way. After introducing the organization SADC, this paper addresses the current challenges of regional integration in Southern Africa. However, in a globalizing world, regionalization is never just an internal affair of one world region. The interrelations with other regions and countries are and have always been an influential factor. Therefore this paper also analyses the role of SADC’s biggest International Cooperating Partner (ICP), the European Union, in the integration process. Finally, part three explores EUSADC relations with a view to its contribution to the objective of deepening integration

The Illusory Leader: Natural Resources, Taxation and Accountability

This paper proposes and tests a mechanism through which the natural resource curse can operate. I posit that, in the presence of high natural resource rents, leaders lower the burden of taxation on citizens in order to reduce the demand for democratic accountability. The theory is tested using micro-level data from public opinion surveys across 15 sub-Saharan countries, in addition to country-level data on natural resource rents, taxation and election proximity. It is found that an increase in natural resource rents decreases perceived tax enforcement, which in turn reduces the demand for regular, open and honest elections. Results are robust to alternative specifications. A supplementary analysis reveals that, consistent with the two-period model proposed, the effects are more acute closer to national elections. The findings support political-economy explanations of how natural resources affect economies, in which resource rents are purported to influence the decisions of the political elite through increased returns to staying in power.Democracy; Political Economy; Natural Resources; Curses; Africa

Mugabe’s Zimbabwe, 2000–2009: Massive Human Rights Violations and the Failure to Protect

This article reviews human rights violations in Zimbabwe from 2000 to 2009, under the rule of Robert Mugabe. It argues that these violations, including state-induced famine, illegal mass expulsions, and systemic rape, constituted crimes against humanity. This article considers what African regional organizations, including the African Union and the Southern African Development Community, and various organs of the international community did, and might have done, to restrain Mugabe and his inner circle from committing these violations. It concludes that the lack of forceful action by African and international organizations constituted a failure to protect the people of Zimbabwe