259 research outputs found

    Colonist, 1888-04-13

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    The Colonist began on 6 March 1886, changing its name to The Newfoundland Colonist after 18 July 1891. Having printed local and international news Monday to Saturday for six years, the paper came to an abrupt end when its offices were destroyed in The Great Fire of 8 July 1892.Title variations recorded in Alternative Title, as needed

    Colonist, 1887-04-16

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    The Colonist began on 6 March 1886, changing its name to The Newfoundland Colonist after 18 July 1891. Having printed local and international news Monday to Saturday for six years, the paper came to an abrupt end when its offices were destroyed in The Great Fire of 8 July 1892.Title variations recorded in Alternative Title, as needed

    How high was he?: the religious thought and activity of Edward Feild, second Church of England Bishop of Newfoundland (1844-1876)

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    For over thirty years, in the middle of the nineteenth century, Edward Feild served as second bishop of the Church of England diocese of Newfoundland, which included the Archdeaconry of Bermuda. His episcopate lasted from 1844-1876, years of great turmoil in the colony and in the church. Although he was in the midst of it all, he is barely remembered today. Feild is best known today for his educational and political activities, but his religiosity was at the core of his being and motivated his thought and actions. Feild was not simply a High Churchman, he was a Tractarian, and his Tractarianism had great consequences for his episcopacy and pastoral leadership. Not only was he a follower of the Oxford Movement, he also followed the tenets of the Cambridge Camden Society, the Cambridge Movement, in order to bring concrete expression to his Tractarian sacramentalism in church architecture and design. Feild's Tractarianism can be found in all of his writings, most especially, the seven published Charges to the clergy of Newfoundland and Bermuda. These texts are crucial to an understanding of Feild's religious views since the bishop's charge expressed what was of greatest concern at the time of its deliverance. Feild's Tractarianism in his Charges was intimately related to his Church of England ecclesiology as well as his views on worship and liturgy, the sacraments, and church architecture. Feild's Tractarian ecclesiology is shown by his world from its governance. Concerning the worship of the church, Field's Tractarianism insisted upon following established authorities and the rules of the Church of England as found within the Book of Common Prayer. Through the immense importance that he gave to the sacraments and their administration, Feild exemplified his Tractarian sacramentalism. In his ever-abiding concern for church architecture, as shown through his interest in church design and construction throughout the diocese, Feild concretely expressed his Tractarianism and his belief in the architectural ideals of the Cambridge Movement. This thesis involves both historical criticism and interpretation in order to determine Bishop Feild's religious thought and actions through an analysis of seven of his key ecclesiastical texts and the recreation of the historical context in which he can be situated

    Colonist, 1887-08-27

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    The Colonist began on 6 March 1886, changing its name to The Newfoundland Colonist after 18 July 1891. Having printed local and international news Monday to Saturday for six years, the paper came to an abrupt end when its offices were destroyed in The Great Fire of 8 July 1892.Title variations recorded in Alternative Title, as needed

    Time and Contingency: Temporal Organization in Southern Labrador

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    Page 114 with a diagram is actually page 116. Page 216 with a diagram is actually page 219. Page 224 with a diagram is actually page 227. Page 273 with a diagram is actually page 276. Page 295 is blank in the hard copy. The aim of this dissertation is the examination of theoretlcal concepts and assumptions which have informed the study of time in cultural anthropology. In the anthropological literature, the notion of time is recognized as being a uniquely human phenomenon, having a dualistic if not paradoxical nature, that ls, it is simultaneously cyclical and lineal. These two characteristics have been viewed as being separate and opposed to each other. In this dissertation, however, I argue that they are not opposed and separate but are closely intertwined. A multidimensional helical model is employed to illustrates this interconnectedness. I present the view that one key to understanding cyclical and linear characteristics of time can be found in examining the element of contingency. My examination of the role that contingency plays with respect to temporal organization is situated within the context of the culture of southern Labrador where contingency commands a prominent position in the lives of fishers, trappers and hunters and their families. From the ethnographic context, I address some of the important anthropological ideas that have informed the study of time and contingency in anthropology. A framework of key notions or understandings emerge from this examination, namely: (1) that time is dynamic, (2) that cyclical and lineal iii iv aspects of time are interrelated rather than opposed, (3) that time has multidimensionality and finally (4) that contingency in its various environmental and cultural expressions can effect the way in which time is conceptualized and organized. The dissertation is based on fourteen months of field research conducted in the summer of 1976, 1979-1980 and in the fall of 1988. It begins with an examination of anthropological perspectives on the study of time and contingency. I move on 1..0 an exploration of historical and social events which provide a baseline for interpreting the relationship between contingency and time. Next, the contingencies based in the environmental cycle, particularly breakup and freezeup are explored along with adjustive responses employed by Labradorians to accommodate them. The relationship between contingency and predictability are examined in light of work and leisure patterns of women and of men respectively. Family commensal routines provide a venue in which contingency is modulated and predictability is introduced in the daily cycle. While women and men experience different levels of contingency and predictability in their daily lives, a complementary relationship exists between male and female temporal domains. Examination of the daily cycle also reveals that the daily schedule is ordered into domains of public and private time. During ritual time, distinctions between public and private v time, between male and female, and between stranger and friend undergo symbolic inversion. Here contingencies of both the environmental and social sort are celebrated. Disguise, in the form of janneying (masking) and social drinking, provide the vehicle for such inversion. In light of t.his data, questions concerning the effect of contingent events on temporal organization are explored.Doctor of Philosophy (PhD

    Lost amid the fogs: travel and the inscription of Newfoundland, 1497 to 1997

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    Resource-based single industry communities: a unit of curriculum and instruction based on the theories of Mauritz Johnson and the criteria of the Canada Studies Foundation

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    The purpose of this study was to develop a unit of curriculum and instruction on resource-based single industry communities using the theories of Mauritz Johnson and the criteria of the Canada Studies Foundation. The unit which has been developed could be used as a supplement to the existing social studies programs for upper high school students. -- The unit is multimedia in nature and includes a student text, a teacher's manual, wall charts, overhead transparencies, an audio tape, and suggested activities. The "curriculum," or matrix of intended learning outcomes for the unit, was drawn from several areas of the social sciences - history, geography, sociology, anthropology, and economics - and from non-disciplined knowledge contained in magazine articles, newspapers, union records, company records, and conversations with various individuals having some knowledge of single industry communities. -- At various stages in the development of the unit subject matter specialists, social studies experts and audio-visual specialists were consulted and their suggestions were incorporated into the unit. Fry's Readability Formula (1968) was applied to the student text to ascertain whether or not the reading level was suitable for upper high school students, and Anderson's "Guiding Questions" (1972) were used throughout to assure that Johnson's Theories (1967; 1969) were being adhered to. Finally, it was placed in six classrooms in the Gander area - four grade ten and two grade eleven - for field testing. In three grade ten classes the unit was taught in totality, and in three others only short sections were used. Results of the formative evaluation showed that the unit was readable, teachable, and valid. -- The following conclusions were drawn from the study: -- 1. Johnson's theories, if used in conjunction with some criteria for selection and organization, can provide a workable model for curriculum and instructional development. -- 2. The criteria of the Canada Studies Foundation can provide much guidance for the inexperienced developer who wishes to produce curriculum and instruction materials on Canadian topics. -- 3. The unit can be successfully taught in urban and rural Newfoundland classrooms by teachers who have had no inservice training or background study on the topic of single industry communities

    Spring Commencement: May 13, 2017

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    UND Spring Commencement program from May 13, 2017

    Evening Advocate, 1922-08-05

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    The Evening Advocate was the Fishermen's Advocate's daily edition, running from 2 January 1917 - 8 November 1924
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