The Defense-growth nexus: An application for the Israeli-Arab conflict

This paper revisits the defence-growth nexus for the rivals of the Israeli-Arab conflict over the last four decades. To this end, we utilize the Toda and Yamamoto (1995) causality test and the generalized variance decomposition. Contrary to the conventional wisdom and many earlier studies, we fail to detect any persistent adverse impact of military expenditures on economic growth. Our conclusions are kept intact even when we account for the possibility of endogenous structural breaks and during the post-1979 peace treaty period. Our findings imply insignificant peace dividends once the conflict is resolved and the military spending is cut to internationally acceptable standards.Growth, Middle East, Israeli-Arab conflict, Causality, Generalized Forecast Error Variance Decomposition

Политика США в отношении арабо-израильского конфликта во времена президентства Д. Эйзенхауэра (1953–1961 гг.)

У статті проаналізовано політику адміністрації Д. Ейзенхауера щодо арабсько-ізраїльського конфлікту.The article is dedicated to the Eisenhower administration policy toward Arab-Israeli conflict. U.S. policy during Suez Crisis and the issuance of the Eisenhower Doctrine were considered. It should be emphasized that desire to prevent of the extension of Soviet influence in the Middle East had impact on U.S. policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict. Initially Eisenhower administration preferred to contain the USSR in the area and showed little interest in Middle East peace settlement. USA helped to organize a defense pact along the region’s northern tier, hoping this would block the Soviets from the area. But the Eisenhower administration could not avoid the Arab-Israeli conflict because that dispute provoked anti-Western sentiment in Arab states, hindered the establishment of a regional defense scheme, blocked American influence, facilitated Soviet-Arab rapprochement. U.S. officials concluded that the Soviet Union sought to gain influence in the Middle East by exploiting the Arab-Israeli dispute. U.S. leaders became even more determined to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict. The U.S. Department of State formulated a comprehensive peace plan. But U.S. efforts to achieve a permanent peace in the Middle East were failed because Arabs and Israel rejected to accept the U.S. peace plan. It was concluded that the Eisenhower administration pursued an evenhanded policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict.В статье проанализирована политика администрации Д. Эйзенхауэра относительно арабо-израильского конфликта. Особое внимание уделено исследованию влияния «холодной войны» на политику США в отношении ближневосточного конфликта. Автор показал, как желание администрации Д. Эйзенхауэра противодействовать расширению сферы влияния СССР на Ближнем Востоке определяло позицию США в отношении арабо-израильского конфликта

The Defense-Growth Nexus: An Application for the Israeli-Arab Conflict

This paper revisits the defence-growth nexus for the rivals of the Israeli-Arab conflict over the last four decades. To this end, we utilize the Toda and Yamamoto (1995) causality test and the generalized variance decomposition. Contrary to the conventional wisdom and many earlier studies, we fail to detect any persistent adverse impact of military expenditures on economic growth. Our conclusions are kept intact even when we account for the possibility of endogenous structural breaks and during the post-1979 peace treaty period. Our findings imply insignificant peace dividends once the conflict is resolved and the military spending is cut to internationally acceptable standards.Growth, Middle East, Israeli-Arab conflict, Causality, Generalized Forecast Error Variance Decomposition

ON THE DYNAMICS OF THE ISRAELI-ARAB ARMS RACE

This paper investigates the causal relationships between the military expenditures and military burden of the four major sides of the Israeli-Arab conflict, namely, Egypt, Israel, Jordan and Syria over the period 1960-2004. We utilize both the causality test suggested by Toda and Yamamoto (1995) and the generalized forecast error variance decomposition method of Pesaran and Shin (1998). Our findings suggest weak causality that runs usually from Israel’s to Arab’s military spending. The strongest links are between Israel and Syria that are still in a state of enmity. No causality was detected between Israel’s and Jordan’s military spending.Arms race, Middle East, Israeli-Arab conflict, Causality, Generalized Forecast Error Variance Decomposition

On the Dynamics of the Israeli-Arab Arms Race

This paper investigates the causal relationships between the military expenditures and military burden of the four major sides of the Israeli-Arab conflict, namely, Egypt, Israel, Jordan and Syria over the period 1960-2004. We utilize both the causality test suggested by Toda and Yamamoto (1995) and the generalized forecast error variance decomposition method of Pesaran and Shin (1998). Our findings suggest weak causality that runs usually from Israel’s to Arab’s military spending. The strongest links are between Israel and Syria that are still in a state of enmity. No causality was detected between Israel’s and Jordan’s military spending.Arms race, Middle East, Israeli-Arab conflict, Causality, Generalized Forecast Error Variance Decomposition

Palestinian terrorist organizations

This paper acts as a source of information on Hamas and its relationships with the other terrorist groups. It also provides evidence for the prominent role of Hamas in the future of the Arab-Israeli conflict

The Arab Gulf countries and the Arab- Israeli conflict;: the linkages and dynamics (1970-2000)

This thesis examines the changing linkages and dynamics of the relationship between the Arab Gulf countries and the Arab-Israeli conflict through the period of 1970-2000. The Arab Gulf countries' level of involvement in supporting the Arabs and Palestinians in the Arab-Israeli conflict diminished throughout the period of study. The thesis explains this diminishing role by discussing the impact of the developments of international struggle for influence in the Gulf as well as the Israeli ambitions and relations to the Gulf region, largely expressed through the Israeli relationship with Iran under the Shah. The thesis shows that the years 1973, 1979 and 1990 formed important turning points for international influence in the region. These turning points influenced on the level of the Arab Gulf countries' involvement in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Throughout the seventies, the Arab Gulf countries played an active role in supporting the Arab side in the Arab-Israeli conflict. The clearest expression of this support was the implementation of the oil embargo against the West during the October 1973 War. The eighties witnessed the birth of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), the formation of which symbolized the emerging security challenges within the Gulf region. These security challenges represented by the Iranian Revolution, the Iran-Iraq war and the Soviet invasion and occupation of Afghanistan exhausted most of the capabilities and efforts of the Arab Gulf countries. Their focus and attention shifted away from the Arab-Israeli conflict, in spite of the serious and dramatic developments in that conflict. The repercussions of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990 resulted in a further diminishment of the role of the Arab Gulf countries in backing the Palestinians in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Only after September 2000 and the beginning of the Second Palestinian Intifada did the Arab Gulf countries again play a vital role, by means of financial, political and media support. The thesis explains the linkages between security in the Gulf and the Arab- Israeli conflict. It examines the hypothesis that a reciprocal relationship explaining the level and type of Arab Gulf countries involvement in the Arab-Israeli conflict has existed throughout the period of the study

STRUCTURAL BREAKS IN MILITARY EXPENDITURES: EVIDENCE FOR EGYPT, ISRAEL,JORDAN AND SYRIA

This paper endogenously determines the timing of structural breaks in military expenditures and military burdens for the major parties involved in the Israeli-Arab conflict, namely Egypt, Israel, Jordan, and Syria over the period 1960-2004. Utilizing a test proposed by Vogelsang (1997), we find that all these countries experienced structural breaks, though at different periods in the late 70s and during the 80s. These structural breaks mark a sharp decline in the military burden that can be attributed to the peace talks that were initiated shortly after the 1973 war. When applying the Bai and Perron (1998, 2003) multiple structural break tests we detect two structural breaks for every country. The first break occurred during the 60s and demonstrated a significant rise in the military burden prior to the 1973 war, whereas the second break occurred in the late 70s and during the 80s and was characterized by a sharp decline in the military burden following the instigation of peace negotiations.Military Expenditures, Military Burden, Middle-East, Israeli-Arab Conflict, Structural Breaks.

Structural Breaks in Military Expenditures: Evidence for Egypt, Israel, Jordan and Syria

This paper endogenously determines the timing of structural breaks in military expenditures and military burdens for the major parties involved in the Israeli-Arab conflict, namely Egypt, Israel, Jordan, and Syria over the period 1960-2004. Utilizing a test proposed by Vogelsang (1997), we find that all these countries experienced structural breaks, though at different periods in the late 70s and during the 80s. These structural breaks mark a sharp decline in the military burden that can be attributed to the peace talks that were initiated shortly after the 1973 war. When applying the Bai and Perron (1998, 2003) multiple structural break tests we detect two structural breaks for every country. The first break occurred during the 60s and demonstrated a significant rise in the military burden prior to the 1973 war, whereas the second break occurred in the late 70s and during the 80s and was characterized by a sharp decline in the military burden following the instigation of peace negotiations.Military Expenditures, Military Burden, Middle-East, Israeli-Arab Conflict, Structural Breaks.

How Have Descriptions of the Arab-Israeli Conflict Changed in High School U.S. History Textbooks Since the 1950s?

This study is a qualitative and quantitative analysis of textbook content regarding the Arab-Israeli conflict, among three of the top textbook publishers in the United States from the 1950s to the present. The goal of this study was to highlight whether there has been more or less emphasis on particular events over time, and identify major patterns and changes in textbook content on the Arab-Israeli conflict. This thesis also addresses some of the historic, political, social, and educational implications of those changes. The conclusions and recommendations portion of the research contains suggestions for overcoming the limitations of textbook portrayals of the Arab-Israeli conflict