Abstract: Icelandic NP-movement is Case-driven A-movement dislocating any NP with structural Case to the middle field. We argue that all NP-movement targets a Multiple Specifier Construction of TP. The hypothesis explains why the landing site does not correlate with the Case of the NP, why sentential adverbs show that all NP-movement targets the same phrasal category, and why the c-command relations under movement mirror those in-situ ('tucking in'). To allow vP/AgrO-driven NP-movement (Object Shift) to target [Spec, TP], cyclicity is simplified so that head movement to provide a limited escape hatch. The system, relying only independently needed principles of locality, predicts all and only possible combinations of NP-movements. The nature of the property that allows a head to host multiple specifiers (or one feature to trigger multiple movements) is cast as an optional 'marked ' operations of Reinhart (1995), and a theory is proposed for all such movements that allows the addition of EPP features up to convergence.
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