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    Sometimes it is the little things : a meta-analysis of individual and contextual determinants of attitudes toward immigration (2009–2019)

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    Available online 29 January 2022Attitudes toward immigration have attracted much scholarly interest and fuelled extensive empirical research in recent years. Many different hypotheses have been proposed to explain individual and contextual differences in attitudes towards immigration. However, it has become difficult to align all of the evidence that the literature has produced so far. The present article contributes to the systematization of political science empirical research on public attitudes toward immigration in the last decade. Using a simplified combined-tests technique, this paper identifies the micro- as well as macro-level factors that are consistently linked to attitudes toward immigration. It reports findings from a meta-analysis of the determinants of general attitudes toward immigration in published articles in thirty highly ranked peer-reviewed political science journals for the years 2009–2019. The results warrant a summary of factors affecting attitudes to immigration in a systematic, measurable and rigorous manner

    Not a threat? : Russian elites’ disregard for the ‘Islamist danger’ in the North Caucasus in the 1990s

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    The opposition between Moscow and Islamism is often seen in the academic literature and in Russian and Western policy circles as axiomatic. That idea is however largely a construction that has emerged over the past twenty years as the Russian state under Vladimir Putin fought a never-ending war against separatist groups who had embraced Islamism in the North Caucasus. Neither Russian political and security elites, nor its academic research institutes saw Islamism in the North Caucasus as a major domestic threat in the 1990s, including after Russia’s defeat in the First Chechen War. Influenced by the Soviet legacy of relations with Islam, they perceived Islamism as alien to Russia and associated its rise to foreign influence from Muslim countries and, remarkably, at times the West. Instead of Islamism, they continued to emphasize the threat represented by ethnonationalism for the stability of the North Caucasu

    Maladaptation to environmental degradation and the interplay between negative and positive externalities

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    Available online 14 January 2022, Version of Record 2 February 2022. Part of special issue: SI: Advances in Sustainability Economics Edited by Lucas Bretschger, Simone Valente. The Full special issue is available in Open Access until 24 March 2022 on the Publisher's site - via the DOI link.This paper investigates the possible dynamics that may emerge in an economy in which agents adapt to environmental degradation by increasing the produced output to repair the damages of environmental degradation. The analyzed economy is characterized by both positive and negative externalities. On the one hand, an increase in production-related environmental degradation lowers the net income left at disposal for consumption and investment; on the other hand, it induces an increase in labor and capital to repair environmental damages from production, which enhances the positive externalities occurring in the production process. From the analysis of the model we show that there can be two steady states but only the one with lower capital level can be locally attractive. Both local and global indeterminacy may arise in the model, even with decreasing returns to scale. It follows that one cannot predict a priori which path the economy will follow when converging to an equilibrium, nor the equilibrium the dynamics will eventually converge to. In particular, the trajectories emerging from the model may eventually lead the economy to be trapped in a Pareto-dominated equilibrium with lower capital and higher environmental degradation levels. Moreover, the interplay between positive and negative externalities generates a rich set of possible trajectories that may lead to opposite extreme outcomes, namely, either infinite growth or the collapse of the economy

    Europhoria! : explaining Britain’s pro European moment, 1988-92

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    British attitudes to “Europe” have been characterised as an “awkward partner” of “reluctant Europeans”. This article expounds a period in which Britain was Europe’s primary “proactive partner”, composed of highly “enthusiastic Europeans”. To explain this, it then proposes an expanded “calculation, cues, and community” theoretical framework using emotions, non-material calculations, and a dynamic understanding of “Europe”. Europhoria is thus explained using: (1) calculations driven by the emotional anticipation of “1992” and trust engendered by unrealised negative predictions raised during the 1975 referendum campaign; (2) proactive domestic European policy leading to harmonious, influential, insider status; (3) benchmarking of comparable, better performing European economies; and—the only factor remaining today—(4) newfound belief that Europe was Britain’s most important international community. Europhoria interplayed with a sense of European community stimulated by the fall of the Berlin Wall and unusually “European” British cultural trends in media, sports, and arts. The removal of most of these factors—often at pan-European level—explains the rapid British return to Euroscepticism thereafter

    The EU Digital Markets Act (DMA) : a competition hand in a regulatory glove

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    Published: August 2023This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced version of an article accepted for publication in European law review following peer review. The definitive published version is available online on Westlaw UK.The newly enacted Digital Markets Act (DMA) finds itself at a crossroads. The DMA can develop into a specialist field of competition law for digital platforms or it can evolve into a new field of EU law, detached from competition law. The DMA’s ultimate trajectory will depend on the legal characterisation given to the DMA. Is it a special competition law regime or an original instrument distinct from competition law? This article lays the groundwork for characterising the DMA by offering a complete descriptive analysis of the instrument. Among the elements discussed are the twin concepts of "gatekeepers" and "core platform services", which together condition the DMA’s scope of application, as well as the legal obligations imposed on gatekeepers. The article proposes a novel categorisation of the obligations, showing that each obligation can be associated with at least one of two conventional competition law concerns (exclusion or exploitation). The discussion shows the difficulty of pinpointing the exact nature of the DMA. We argue that this ambiguity creates challenges for the practical implementation of the DMA

    Art. 40. Dostep do danych i kontrola danych

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    Published: 29 December 202

    Transforming trade, investment and environmental law for sustainable development?

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    Published online: 11 July 2024The 2030 UN Sustainable Development Agenda aims at ‘transforming our world’ to protect universally agreed sustainable development goals (SDGs) that – due to globalization – can no longer be secured by any state without international law and multilevel governance of global public goods (PGs). Democratic and republican constitutionalism historically emerged as the most effective methods for protecting local and national PGs demanded by citizens; they need to be complemented by functionally limited, multilevel constitutionalism securing transnational ‘aggregate PGs’ like mutually beneficial trade, investment and environmental protection systems. This contribution explains why commitments to human rights, democratic governance and rule of law have become incomplete safeguards of the SDGs without complementary, constitutional reforms of international trade law (II), investment law (III) and environmental law (IV). Human rights require embedding national ‘constitutionalism 1.0’ and functionally limited ‘treaty constitutions 2.0’ into ‘cosmopolitan constitutionalism 3.0’ empowering and protecting citizens and representative, multilevel governance institutions (V). Constitutional, participatory and deliberative democracy, private-public partnerships (e.g. for inventing and producing vaccines) and citizen-driven network governance (e.g. for decarbonizing economies) remain crucial for providing PGs and for protecting humanity against authoritarian power politics (VI). Are the necessary constitutional reforms politically feasible at a time of Russian wars of aggression aimed at suppressing human rights and democratic governance?The article is a published version of EUI LAW WP 2022/0

    Beyond geopolitical Europe

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    Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or the European Education and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA). Neither the European Union nor EACEA can be held responsible for them.Seismic shifts, conflicts and instability have spurred a revival of the geopolitical discourse in international affairs. Russia’s attack on Ukraine has exacerbated this development, raising the stakes for the EU to translate its rhetoric on ‘geopolitical Europe’ into action. The EU took some important steps and mobilised significant means to counter the aggression. However, it is questionable that the geopolitical paradigm, which focuses on power politics and spheres of influence, suits the EU’s own identity, its cumbersome decision-making process and its lack of hard power. The EU has recognised that it needs to face new threats and challenges and that doing so requires a wider toolbox, including coercive instruments. But this does not mean endorsing a geopolitical mindset. A more strategic Europe would build on its experience and invest in its strengths, to create the conditions for dialogue and stability at the continental and global levels. Despite its current limitations, the recently established European Political Community can become a useful laboratory to test new forms of governance and a platform for the EU to affirm shared principles of co-existence in a competitive and contested world.Funded by the European Union

    Art. 42. Obowiazki sprawozdawcze w zakresie przejrzystosci

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    Published: 29 December 202

    Art. 4(5). Pseudonymisation

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    Art. 4(5) introduces the concept of “pseudonymisation”, which consists in processing personal data in such a way as to restrict the possibility of attributing such data to the data subjects concerned. Pseudonymisation transforms a set of personal data into a new set of data — the pseudonymised data — which can be attributed to the data subjects only through the use of further data, that are kept separately and are subject to technical and organisational measures to prevent their unauthorised or unlawful use. Pseudonymisation must be clearly distinguished from anonymisation. Anonymised data no longer qualify as personal data, since they can no longer be linked to the data subjects; therefore, they do not fall within the scope of the GDPR. On the contrary, pseudonymised data can still be linked to the data subjects (by using the further data that enable reidentification); therefore, they remain personal data, subject to the GDPR’s requirements. The use of pseudonymisation measures is not explicitly mandated by EU data protection law, but practical considerations mean that pseudonymisation is likely to play a role in most data protection endeavours, and be practically unavoidable in those in which controllers are expected to uphold an especially high level of protection


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