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    The political economy of Egypt\u27s hydrohegemony in the Nile Basin

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    Much of scholarly literature on transboundary water relations focuses on conflict and cooperation with insights from both neorealist and neoliberal international relations theories. While neorealists emphasize the overall material distribution of power between states, neoliberalists highlight how international law and institutions may shape state preferences toward international cooperation. Other scholars have used the conceptual framework of hydrohegemony to understand the power asymmetry between states, examining how different dimensions of power among riparian states shape transboundary settings. These approaches to transboundary water interaction focus on the state as the primary unit of analysis and assume that foreign policy decision-making primarily aims to serve national interests. However, the preoccupation with a state-centric approach to transboundary water relations has often led scholars to overlook or downplay other critical variables within the domestic political realm. These include the political economy of authoritarian rule and salience of regime security as a unit of analysis. This paper argues that the decline of Egypt’s hydrohegemony in the Nile basin can be best explained by tracing Egypt’s political economy of regime consolidation. This approach clarifies the changing place of the Nile in the domestic and foreign policy priorities of the ruling elite and the forces and actions that have and continue to shape Egypt’s hydropolitics in the Nile River basin

    第6回 フィリピン――移民労働者省の発足は変化をもたらすか

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    第4章 レバノンの障害当事者運動と社会変革

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    上毛新聞社 著 『サンバの町それから―外国人と共に生きる群馬・大泉』(資料紹介)

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    第4回 習近平政権の経済政策——産業政策、米中対立と今後の展望

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    Mobile phone ownership, income diversification, and household welfare in rural Bangladesh

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    Mobile phone has been widely adopted in developing countries with potential to enhance opportunities for finding employment and business opportunities which builds resilience of rural livelihoods. Although the effect of mobile phones on income has been studied in the past, the potential to increase income diversification and reduce poverty has not been studied so much. To fill this gap, we investigate the linkage among mobile phone ownership, income diversification, and household welfare, using monetary and non-monetary aspects of poverty. Using instrumental variable approach, we find that mobile phone ownership increases income diversification then reduces the incidence and depth of poverty. It also has significant impact on non-monetary aspects of poverty. Our heterogeneity analysis shows the pro-poor impacts of mobile phone ownership as well as that female-headed households enjoy larger impact of mobile phone ownership on income diversification. Moreover, Gini decomposition of different income sources with propensity score matching indicates that the off-farm income results in an inequality-equalizing effect among the rural households owning mobile phones in Bangladesh, suggesting the income diversification through mobile phone ownership improves the overall welfare of the rural society

    Covid-19 vaccine hesitancy in Indonesia: association between trust in the government and vaccination coverage

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    Although the effectiveness of Covid-19 vaccines has been verified in numerous studies globally, many countries have experienced low vaccination coverage due to the reluctance of people to be vaccinated. While the determinants of vaccine hesitancy are complex, we examine the effect of trust in the government on regional Covid-19 vaccination rates in Indonesia. Indonesia started its Covid-19 vaccination program earlier than other countries in Southeast Asia. However, the proportion of Indonesia\u27s population that is fully vaccinated is lower than in most of its neighboring countries. To examine how trust in the government affects vaccine coverage, we conduct a cross-section analysis that shows that the 2019 election vote margin of incumbent President Joko Widodo and the share of households with children who had participated in the government\u27s routine childhood immunization program as of 2019 have positive and statistically significant correlations with rates of full Covid-19 vaccination from September 2021 until March 2022. The results suggest that hesitancy to the Covid-19 vaccine associated with low trust in the government under Joko Widodo may have significantly delayed vaccination

    アジア動向年報2000 - 2009 : 中国編

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