Characteristics of child labor among unaccompanied and separated children in Serbia

Zloupotreba dečjeg rada predstavlja jednu od ključnih oblasti gde se grubo krše prava deteta definisana međunarodnim dokumentima i domaćim zakonima. Procenjuje se da je 160 miliona dece u svetu bilo izloženo zloupotrebi dečjeg rada, od čega je 79 miliona dece bilo izloženo opasnom dečjem radu (ILO & UNICEF, 2021). U kontekstu migracija, naročito iregularnih i prisilnih, rizik da deca budu izložena zloupotrebi dečjeg rada je veliki, imajući u vidu da migriranje samo po sebi sadrži sve elemente koji su definisani kao rizici da deca budu izložena ovoj vrsti zloupotrebe: siromaštvo, neredovno pohađanje škole, nezaposlenost roditelja itd. Posebno ranjivu grupu čine nepraćena i razdvojena deca, a procene su da je tokom 2022. godine njih 39180 podnelo zahteve za azil u 27 EU+ zemalja (Eurostat, 2023). Ove brojeve, treba uzeti sa rezervom, jer veliki broj dece bez pratnje nije podneo zahtev za azil ni u jednoj zemlji, što dodatnopovećava rizik od različitih vidova eksploatacije, uključujući i dečji rad, s obzirom na to da nisu vidljivi sistemima zaštite. Zaštita nepraćene i razdvojene dece od izloženosti dečjem radu nije regulisana posebnim zakonskim odredbama i na njih se primenjuju zakonske odredbe, međunarodne i nacionalne, koje su u ovoj oblasti propisane za domicilnu decu. Istraživanje je kombinovalo kvantitativne i kvalitativne metode prikupljanja podataka. Korišćen je upitnik koji je posebno razvijen za potrebe ovog istraživanja. Upitnik je bio namenjen zaposlenima u sistemu zaštite nepraćene i razdvojene dece – iz državnih ustanova i organizacija civilnog društva. Fokus grupe i intervjui rađeni su sa profesionalcima iz sistema socijalne zaštite i sa nepraćenom i razdvojenom decom. U istraživanju je učestvovalo 140 profesionalaca i 44 dece. Rezultati ukazuju da je značajan udeo nepraćene i razdvojene dece izložen radu na migrantskom putu od zemalja porekla (najčešće Avganistana) do Srbije, te da su mnoga izložena najgorim oblicima dečjeg rada – i to opasnom radu i radu koji podrazumeva vršenje krivičnih dela vezanih za krijumčarenje ljudi i distribuciju prihoaktivnih supstanci. Deca koja putuju zapadnobalkanskom rutom preko Srbije uobičajeno rade na opasnim mašinama, u opasnim okolnostima i u opasnim delatnostima koje sa sobom nose potencijalne rizike i stvarne nepovoljne posledice po zdravlje, moral i blagostanje dece. Deca pokazuju agensnost što se vidi u demonstriranoj kontroli prilikom izbora posla i odluku da prekinu sa poslom onda kada prevazilazi njihove mogućnosti za trpljenje neadekvatnih uslova. Rezilijentnost dece karakteriše motivisanost da se uključe u rad i pokažu sposobnost za zarađivanje, a ta motivacija je usko vezana za odgovornost prema porodici. Njihov “uspeh” je dobit kojom ispunjavanju tu odgovornost, uz pozitivne efekte rada za sebe – sticanje veština za budućnost, nova znanja i sposobnosti. U kontekstu rada dece, izrazito važnu negativnu ulogu imaju evropske politike migracija, ali i politike nacionalnih zemalja tranzita: postojeće politike dodatno guraju decu u opasan rad otežavanjem ili češće onemogućavanjem legalnog zaposlenja, što otvara put poslodavcima da grubo zloupotrebljavaju rad dece.Child labor is one of the key areas where children's rights defined by international documents and domestic laws are grossly violated. It is estimated that 160 million children in the world were exposed to child labor, of which 79 million children were exposed to hazardous child labor (ILO & UNICEF, 2021). In the context of migration, especially irregular and forced, the risk of children being exposed to child labor is high, bearing in mind that migration itself contains all those elements that are otherwise defined as risks of children being exposed to this type of abuse: poverty, irregular school attendance, parental unemployment, etc. A particularly risky group is unaccompanied and separated children, for whom it is estimated that in 2022, 39,180 of them applied for asylum in EU+ countries (Eurostat, 2023). These numbers, however, should be taken with a grain of salt, as large number of unaccompanied children have not applied for asylum in any country, which puts them at even greater risk of various forms of exploitation, including child labor, given that they are not visible to protection systems. The protection of unaccompanied and separated children from child labor is not covered by special legal provisions, international or national, but falls under the regulation for domicile children. The research combined quantitative and qualitative data collection methods. A questionnaire was used, which was specially developed for the needs of this research, and which was filled out by professionals. The questionnaire was intended for all employees in the system of protection of unaccompanied and separated children - from state institutions and civil society organizations. Focus groups and interviews were conducted with professionals from the social welfare system and with unaccompanied and separated children. In total, 140 professionals and 44 children participated in the research. The results indicate that a significant number of unaccompanied and separated children are exposed to work on the migrant route from the countries of origin (most often Afghanistan) to Serbia, and that they are exposed to the worst forms of child labor - namely dangerous work and work that involves the commission of criminal acts related to smuggling and distribution of prichoactive substances. Children who travel the Balkan route through Serbia usually work on dangerous machines, in dangerous circumstances and in dangerous activities that carry with them potential risks and real consequences for the health, morale and well-being of children. Children show agency, which can be seen in the demonstrated control when choosing a job and the decision to stop working when it exceeds their capacity to endure inadequate conditions. Resilience of children is characterized by motivation to engage in work and demonstrate the ability to earn, and this motivation is closely related to responsibility towards the family. Their "success" is the profit by which they fulfill that responsibility, along with the positive effects of working for themselves - acquiring skills for the future, new knowledge and abilities. In the context of child labor, the European migration policies, but also the policies of the national transit countries, play an extremely important negative role: existing policies additionally push children into dangerous work by making it difficult or more often impossible to get legal employment, which opens the way for employers to grossly abuse child labor

Outsourcing political mobilization of voters: the analysis of outcomes of actions conducted in the ProGlas campaign for voter turnout for 2023 parliamentary elections

Rad analizira aktivnosti kampanje ProGlas, vođene od 7. novembra do 14. decembra 2023. godine, kao deo predizbornih aktivnosti u funkciji povećanja izlaznosti. ProGlas se posmatra u radu kao deo izborne socijalizacije glasača kroz „Izađi i glasaj” kampanju. Autor zastupa tezu da je uspešna izborna socijalizacija ona koja stvara naviku izlaska na izbore, posebno kod birača koji nemaju dovoljno izbornog iskustva (mlađe generacije). U radu se pokazuje da je usled ad hoc karaktera kampanje koju je ProGlas vodio, umesto motivacije za izlaznost, uspešnost vezana za partijsku identifikaciju i ideološke unifikacije. ProGlas kampanja je delimično omogućila socijalizovanje birača u pravcu racionalizacije glasanja, tako da glasovi jednog ideološkog pola („građanske opozicije”) ne propadnu pri glasanju za opcije koje nemaju stvarne izglede za prelazak cenzusa.The paper analyzes the activities of the ProGlas campaign, conducted from November 7 to December 14, 2023, as part of pre-election efforts to increase voter turnout. ProGlas is con- ceptualized in the study as part of voter electoral socialization through the “Get out the vote” campaign. The author argues that successful electoral socialization is one that creates a habit of voting, especially among voters with insufficient electoral experience (younger gen- erations). The study demonstrates that due to the ad hoc nature of the ProGlas campaign, instead of motivating voter turnout, success is tied to party identification and ideological unification. The ProGlas campaign partially facilitated the socialization of voters towards the rationalization of voting, so that the votes of one ideological group (“civil opposition”) are not wasted by voting for options that have no real chance of crossing the threshold

Vuk Branković - The Biggest Serbian Traitor or Slandered Patriot?

Док међу Србима преовладава уверење, које почива на народној епској традицији, да је Вук Бранковић највећи српски издајник, зато што је изневерио кнеза Лазара у судбоносном боју на Косову пољу 1389. године, критичка историографија сматра да нема доказа о његовој издаји, да му је она неправедно приписана. Подсетивши да се тек од 1601. године Вук Бранковић експлицитно помиње као изајник, аутор разматра разлоге који су допринели томе да се о Вуку створи таква крајње негативна представа. Занимљиво је да се у годинама након саме битке не говори ни о поразу ни о издаји. Тек када су постале јасне њена катастрофалне последице, створена је потреба да се установи разлог пораза. Издајник је могла бити само угледна личност која је преживела крваву битку, а Вук Бранковић је највише одговарао таквој представи. За разлику од кнеза Лазара који се определио за Царство небеско, који је проглашен светитељем, Вук Бранковић је преживео, што је сугерисало да се определио за земаљско царство. Подсетивши на родољубиву и уметничку снагу Косовског предања, аутор закључује да треба разликовати историјску и уметничку истину. Но чак и ако Вук Бранковић није издао, представа о архетипском издајнику имала је веома значајну улогу у опстанку српског народа и у његовим борбама за слободу.Among the Serbs, there is a prevailing belief based on a folk tradition that Vuk Branković is the greatest Serbian traitor for betraying Prince Lazar during the fateful Battle of Kosovo in 1389. However, historians believe that there is no evidence of his betrayal and that it was unfairly attributed to him. As explicit references to Vuk Branković as a traitor only emerge in historical discourse starting from 1601, the author investigates reasons that contributed to the creation of such an extremely negative image of Vuk. In the subsequent years following the battle, narratives of defeat or betrayal were absent. Only when it was clear what the catastrophic consequences for the Serbian people were after Kosovo battle, which was initially not recognized as a Serbian defeat, did the need to establish the reason for this defeat arise. It became convenient to attribute the role of traitor to a respectable person who had survived the conflict and Vuk Branković emerged as the prime candidate. Unlike Prince Lazar, who opted for The Kingdom of Heaven and was thus canonised, Vuk Branković survived, which suggested that he opted for the earthly realm. The rivalry for influence between Lazar’s family and Vuk Branković following Prince Lazar’s death as well the battle near Gračanica involving the despot Stefan Lazarević and Djuradj Branković, further complicated Branković’s legacy. Moreover, the historical conflation of the Battle of Kosovo with the so-colled Second Battle of Kosovo in 1448 likely intensified negative conditions of the accusations against Vuk. Not only did the despot Djuradj Branković refuse to join the forces of Janko Hunyadi after realising that the defence against the Turks was poorly prepared, but the Wallachian duke Dan was ideed a traitor as he switched to the Turkish side. These events of 1448, particulary the treachery thar occurred, were anachronistically projected back onto the 1389 battle narrative. As a reminder of the patriotic and artistic strength of Kosovo’s tradition, the author concludes that historical and artistic truth should be distinguished. Even if Vuk Branković was not the traitor history has painted him to be, the archtype of traitor has played a pivotal role in the cultural memory and resilience of the Serbian people in their quest for liberty

Segmenting anti-gender sentiment and untangling its sociopsychological roots

While the term 'anti-gender sentiment' may suggest a common motivation behind opposition to various gender equality policies and measures, the reality is that these initiatives apply to diverse aspects of life and interactions among men, women, and sexual and gender minorities. As a result, the resistance may originate from distinct socio-psychological roots. In this study, we aim to segment anti-gender sentiment, by exploring the latent structure of the resistances against different gender equality measures. This step enables us to achieve the second goal, which is to investigate differences in socio-psychological determinants of resistance to different sets of gender equality measures. Using a convenience sampling (N = 624) and esurvey, we examined the support for 22 gender equality measures and assessed beliefs on the following scales: social dominance orientation, right wing authoritarianism, hostile sexism, gender system justification, attitudes towards feminism, gender essentialism, gender conspiracy theories. Exploratory factor analysis indicated that the measures group into 5 factors: support for 1) LGBT rights, 2) reducing gender-based violence and improving worklife balance, 3) reducing workplace gender discrimination, 4) women's bodily autonomy and reproductive rights, 5) sexual education. Through five separate multiple linear regressions, we determined that support for measures ensuring LGBT rights (R2 = .75, F(8, 503) = 78.44, p < .01, RWA: β = ..26) and women’s bodily autonomy (R2 = .65, F(8, 503) = 45.74, p < .01, RWA: β = .33) mostly reflect social conservatism, while resistances against measures aimed at reducing sexual violence (R2 = .55, F(8, 503) = 26.99, p < .01) and workplace gender discrimination (R 2 = .57, F(8, 503) = 29.44, p < .01) stem from hostile sexism (β = .28, β = .23), social dominance orientation (β = .13, β = .19) and gender system justification (β = .30, β = .25). Resistances against sexual education mostly reflect anti-feminism attitudes (R 2 = .43, F(8, 503) = 13.89, p < .01, β = .16). Our results indicate that resistances to various gender equality measures stem from different psychological needs. Some are reactions to perceived violations of conventional social norms, while others can be better interpreted through intergroup relations theories. These results have implications for crafting strategies to communicate gender equality measures and overcoming resistance

EU Enlargement Policy between the Chronological Precedence of the Western Balkans and the Geopolitical Urgency in the Eastern Neighborhood: A Realist Perspective

This study adopts a realist approach to explore how geopolitical factors influence the European Union’s (EU) decision to expand into neighbouring regions of strategic importance or vulnerability to major powers’ influence. It specifically examines the obstacles posed by the absence of a unanimous stance on “pre-scheduled” accessions, as seen in the earlier “eastern enlargement” rounds. It is argued that the present geopoliticized EU enlargement policy seems to be guided by realist factors, although it is characterized by an incongruity between strategic rhetoric and strategic actions. This inconsistency between expressed intentions and actual measures is more evident in the Western Balkans than in the Eastern neighbourhood. Through the selected, broadly set realist elements – groupism, egoism and power-centrism – the EU’s foreign policy strategy and behaviour are examined, searching for a gap between the discursive and practical domains in both regions. The research considers that the EU’s response has not predominantly been strategic but rather tactical, reflecting the enlargement policy’s longstanding deficiencies, coupled with the urgent need to extend commitments to the eastern partners facing immediate security threats. Such tendencies are disadvantageous for the Western Balkans, which became a lower priority for the EU despite its chronological precedence in the enlargement domain. While ideally, both enlargement regions should be granted an “accession timetable” along with on-ground democratic reforms, the authors highlight that due to differing geopolitical dynamics and pressure, the outcomes for the two regions may either diverge in terms of potential favouring of the new candidates or, perhaps more likely, converge – meaning that the accession of either region might be postponed once the geopolitical urgency subsides

Content analysis in political analytics

Анализа садржаја докумената је главна метода прикупљања и обраде података у политичкој аналитици. Циљ овог рада су поступци у аналитичком проучавању исказа, у које убрајамо утврђивање садржаја документа, категорија анализе и кодирање садржаја. С тим у вези, у раду се разматра оцена поузданости извора и оцена података, као и њихових категорија, затим утврђивање значења и вредновање исказа. Након тога следе утврђивање валидности, анализирање, закључивање и извештавање. Иако анализа садржаја докумената може омогућити истинитост, поузданост и валидност података у политичкој аналитици, указаћемо на проблеме формирања ставова и закључака, као и на поузданост закључака.Content analysis is the main method of data collection and processing in political analytics. The aim of this work is the procedures in the analytical study of statements, which include determining the content of the document, categories of analysis and coding of the content. In this regard, the paper discusses the assessment of the reliability of the sources and the evaluation of the data, as well as their categories, then determining the meaning and evaluating the statements. This is followed by validation, analysis, conclusion and reporting. Although the content analysis of documents can enable the truthfulness, reliability and validity of data in political analytics, we will point out the problems of forming opinions and conclusions, as well as the reliability of conclusions

Bosna i Hercegovina u regionalnoj perspektivi: savremeni izazovi regionalne saradnje na Zapadnom Balkanu i aktuelna spoljnopolitička pozicija Bosne i Hercegovine

Rat u Ukrajini suštinski je uticao i na prilike na Zapadnom Balkanu i dodatno stvaranje nestabilnog ambijenta u ovom delu Evrope. Tome doprinosi i činjenica da postoje brojni nerešeni regionalni i međudržavni problemi u čijoj senci je i uređivanje odnosa unutar Bosne i Hercegovine, odnosno i njeno pozicioniranje u regionalnim i transatlantskim odnosima. Zato se Bosna i Hercegovina, kako navodi autor, nalazi na podužoj „listi čekanja“ drugih započetih i nedovršenih procesa u regionu, a pre svega odnosa između Beograda i Prištine, ali i zapadnog sprečavanja evidentnog jačanja ruskog uticaja u Crnoj Gori i Severnoj Makedoniji. Istovremeno, autor ukazuje i na krizu u sprovođenju ranije nedvosmislene evroatlantske politike Bosne i Hercegovine, kao i na najbitnije elemente odnosa ove zemlje i njenih suseda (pre svega Srbije i Hrvatske). Takođe, on podvlači i da se unutrašnji nesporazumi u okviru Bosne i Hercegovine reflektuju i na njenu poziciju u Berlinskom procesu, kao predominantnom vidu regionalne saradnje. Istovremeno, autor analizira i ulogu pre svega Rusije i Kine na Zapadnom Balkanu i ukazuje koliko to predstavlja problem za potpunu inkorporaciju regiona u zapadne integracije. On zaključuje i da je nužan novi pristup Evropske unije prema Zapadnom Balkanu sa nastojanjem da se proces proširenja što pre ubrza. Isto se odnosi i na nova proširenja NATO-a u ovom delu Evrope, naglašavajući pritom objektivno predominantnu ulogu Sjedinjenih Američkih Država u regionu Zapadnog Balkana

The challenges of normalizing relations between Belgrade and Pristina: implications of the “agreement on the path to normalization“

The article analyzes the process of normalizing relations between Belgrade and Pristina after adopting the Agreement on the Path to Normalization. The analytical framework of neorealism was used to explain that the normalization process was accelerated due to the war crisis in Eastern Europe. The international legal aspects of the agreement were scrutinized, based on the method of content analysis and comparative studies, to argue that the agreement is a legally binding treaty between two sides that respect each other’s international legal personality. The authors concluded that the European Union and the United States attempted to create new momentum in the decade-long and rather unsuccessful process by adopting the Agreement and the Annex on implementation. Thus, these documents were put in the context of relations between Belgrade and Pristina and broader European and regional levels of complex relations. In addition, the analysis concluded that the documents serve as new impulses in normalization as a continuous legal formalization of relations between the two sides based on international legal rules