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    Nejednako učešće biračai obavezno glasanje

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    Elections are the most wide-spread form of political participation in which as a rule, the greatest number of voters take part. By making an electoral decision, citizens, as individuals, constitute representative bodies, which are un-proportionally smaller than the voting body, and which will make decision that are of concern of the whole community - of all citizens. That is why it is important that a large number of citizens participates in electoral process, as it increases legitimacy of representative bodies takes away doubts that the community is run by a minority and constrains a possibility that laws which are against the will of majority are passed. Contemporary democracies, almost without an exception, encounter the problem of abstinence of voters which jeopardizes basic principles of representation. Uneven participation of voters at elections brings about uneven influence at making political decisions. Obligatory voting is one of the instruments which stays at disposal of designers of electoral system in prevention of abstinence. This paper discusses advantages and disadvantages of this electoral institute, various experiences in its use, as well as its political consequences in a party and parliamentary system.Izbori su najrasprostranjeniji oblik političke participacije u kome, po pravilu, učestvuje najveći broj građana. Donoseći izbornu odluku, kao pojedinci, glasanjem građani konstituišu predstavnička tela, po broju nesrazmerno manja nego što je to biračko telo, a ono će donositi odluke koje se odnose na čitavu zajednicu - na sve građane. Upravo zato je važno da u donošenju izborne odluke učestvuje što veći broj građana, jer to povećava legitimnost predstavničkih tela, otklanja sumnje da zajednicom upravlja manjina, i sprečava mogućnost da se donose zakoni suprotno volji većine. Savremene demokratije, gotovo bez izuzetka, sreću se sa problemom apstinencije koji ugrožava osnovne principe pred-stavljanja. Nejednako učešće birača na izborima proizvodi nejednak uticaj na donošenje političkih odluka. Obavezno glasanje jedan je od instrumenata koji stoji na raspolaganju dizajnerima izbornog sistema u sprečavanju apstinencije. Ovaj članak posvećen je prednostima i nedostatcima ovog izbornog instituta, iskustvima njegovog korišćenja, kao i političkim posledicama u partijskom i parlamentarnom sistemu

    Psihobiološki model temperamenta i karaktera - validacija i kros-kulturalna komparacija

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    The paper presents research results regarding Psychobiological model of personality by Robert Cloninger. The primary research goal was to test the new TCI-5 inventory and compare our results with US normative data. We also analyzed the factor structure of the model and the reliability of basic TCI-5 scales and sub-scales. The sample consisted of 473 subjects from the normal population, age range between 18-50 years. Results showed significant differences between Serbian and American samples. Compared to the American sample, Novelty seeking was higher in the Serbian sample, while Persistence Self-directedness and Cooperativeness were lower. For the most part results of the present study confirmed a seven factor structure model although some sub-scales did not coincide with basic dimensions as predicted by the theoretical model. Therefore certain theoretical revisions of the model are required in order to fit in the empirical findings. Similarly, the discrepancy between the theoretical and empirical was also noticed regarding the reliability of TCI-5 scales. They also need to be re-examined. Thus the results of the study showed satisfactory reliability of Persistence (.90), Self-directedness (.89) and Harm avoidance (.87), but low reliability of the Novelty seeking (.78), Reward dependence (.79) and Self-transcendence (.78).U radu su prikazani rezultati istraživanja sprovedenog u cilju provere TCI-5 upitnika, koji se zasniva na Psihobiološkom modelu ličnosti R. Cloningera. Osnovni ciljevi istraživanja su bili provera faktorske strukture modela komparacija podataka dobijenih na našem uzorku sa američkim normama, kao i provera pouzdanosti osnovnih skala i sub-skala TCI-5-a. Ispitivanjem je obuhvaćen uzorak od 473 ispitanika iz normalne populacije u Srbiji, uzrasta od 18-50 godina. Rezultati su pokazali značajnije razlike između srpske i američke populacije u pogledu povišenih skorova na dimenziji Potraga za novinama i sniženih skorova na Perzistenciji, Samousmerenosti i Kooperativnosti na našem uzorku. Istraživanje je uglavnom potvrdilo sedmofaktorsku strukturu modela, ali neke dimenzije nižeg reda ne pripadaju osnovnim dimenzijama kako to model predviđa. Zbog toga su neophodne neke teorijske revizije modela u skladu sa empirijskim nalazima. To se odražava i na pouzdanost skala TCI-5-a. Zadovoljavajuću pouzdanost imaju skale Perzistencija (.90), Samousmerenost (.89) i Izbegavanje kazne (.87), dok su najmanje pouzdane skale Potraga za novinama (.78), Zavisnost od nagrade (.79) i Selftranscendencija (.78), što zahteva izmene i pažljiviju konstrukciju ajtema koji ulaze u njihov sastav

    Srbi i istorija - kriza i nacionalni program

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    Intention of this article is to review and summarize main indicators of crisis in which Serbian nation exists, and also to point out possible guidelines for finding way out of the crisis. General denominator of diagnosis of such crisis is inability for reproduction of national identity. It can be distinguished into three general negative segments: inability for economic survival; inability for biological self-reproduction and inability for spiritual and cultural self-confirmation. Failure of the three main indicators points out that the crisis of Serbian nation is general, that all three indicators are mutually closely connected, and that, finally, it is possible get out of the crisis by integral solution of main troubling issues. The article, in accord with the wideness of the topic of this discourse, and with development of its diagnostic part, has offered also some general indicators for finding the way out of current crisis.Namjera ovoga priloga je da ponudi, sažeti, opšti pregled glavnih pokazatelja (čvorišta) kriznog stanja u kome se nalazi srpska nacija i da se praćenjem dijagnoze paralelno naznačuju smjernice mogućeg prevazilaženja nepovoljnoga stanja. Opšti imenitelj dijagnoze bi se mogao prepoznati u nesposobnosti za reprodukciju identiteta, što se zakonomjerno grana u tri najopštija negativna segmenta stanja nacije: nesposobnost za (ekonomsko) samoodržanje nesposobnost za (biološko) samoproizvođenje i nesposobnost za (duhovno-kulturno) samopotvrđivanje. Neuspješnost u tri glavna pokazatelja stanja jedne nacije ukazuje da je kriza srpske nacije sveopšta, da su ova tri momenta međusobno tijesno povezana, pa da je, konačno, iz krize moguće izaći samo sveobuhvatnim, dakle integralnim rješavanjem glavnih žarišnih pitanja. Članak, srazmjerno obimu ovog diskursa, a i razvijenosti dijagnostičkog dijela, nudi i određene, svakako uopštene smjernice za izlazak iz krize

    Religion as a political science research subject

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    Ideološke osnove prisustva Al kaide na prostorima bivše Jugoslavije

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    In this article author analyzed basic causes for presence of Al-Quaide terrorist network members in the region of former Yugoslavia, since 1990's up to date, especially on territory of Bosnia, Kosmet, Macedonia and Albania. This presence has been connected and intentionally directed as a way of directing focus of attention of Islamic world apart from Israel-Arab conflict in the Middle. It was ideologically and with help of media presented as an obvious proof of "American affinity toward Islamic world" and it also shifted focus of the terrorist attacks on USA to other regions in the world. By these ideologically founded goals and plans for provoking a moved regional instability, many unnecessary but statistically and factually numerously verified conflicts and wars in the region of former Yugoslavia could be explained. In the end of the article, the author pleaded for closer cooperation of Serbia with legitimate governments of Arabic and other Muslim states who are themselves imperiled by extremism of Al-Quaide, which encouraged by a leading superpower, has been spreading its activity to whole world, even to targets in the states of their Balkan sponsors and protectors in the USA and other Western states.U ovom članku autor razmatra suštinske uzroke pojave pripadnika terorističke mreže Al Kaida na prostorima Balkana, od devedesetih godina do danas, posebno u Bosni, na Kosmetu, Makedoniji i Albaniji. To prisustvo je povezano i smišljeno usmereno kao oblik odvraćanja pažnje islamskog sveta u izraelsko-arapskom sukobu na Bliskom istoku, a ideološki i medijski instrumentalizovano kao vidljiv dokaz "američkih simpatija za islamski svet" i prenošenje teži-šta terorističkih udara sa SAD na druga područja sveta, u ovom slučaju Balkana. Takvim ideološki utemeljenim ciljevima i planovima izazivanja izmeštenih regionalnih nestabilnosti, objašnjavaju se umnogome nepotrebni sukobi i ratovi na tlu bivše Jugoslavije, o čijim manifestacijama se daju brojni podaci i činjenice. Autor se na kraju zalaže za tešnju saradnju Srbije sa legitimnim vladama arapskih i drugih muslimanskih država, koje su i same ugrožene ekstremizmom Al Kaide, koja na podsticaje vodeće supersile širi polje svog delovanja na ceo svet, pa i na ciljeve u državama svojih " balkanskih sponzora i zaštitnika" u SAD i drugim zemljama Zapada

    Zaštita dece od trgovine ljudima - izgradnja sistema

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    Trafficking in children is particularly severe form of exploitation and breach of the children rights, while security and welfare of children that are exposed to trafficking are obligations of state authorities, services and organizations of civil society. System of protection and support to children victims of trafficking should contain following: criteria for proper identification of child-victim of trafficking, mechanisms for immediate referring of a child to specialized services, procedures for appointing a guardian who will secure that procedures and decisions are in accordance with the best interest of child, measures for regulating of residential status, assistance with reparation and reintegration as well as measures for protection of children witnesses and victims of trafficking. Finally, it should include a proper access to justice. In the article, recommendations are proposed for improvement of identification system, proper evaluation of needs and planning services and protection measures as well as measures and activities which should secure long term solutions in accordance with rights of the child and her/his best interests.Trgovina decom predstavlja posebno grub oblik zloupotrebe i povrede prava deteta, dok bezbednost i dobrobit dece koja su izložena trgovini predstavljaju obaveze državnih organa, službi i organizacija civilnog društva. Sistem zaštite i pomoći deci žrtvama trgovine treba da sadrži kriterijume za odgovarajuću identifikaciju deteta žrtve trgovine, mehanizme za neodložno upućivanje deteta specijalizovanim službama, procedure za imenovanje staratelja koji će obezbediti postupanja i odluke u skladu sa najboljim interesima deteta, mere za regulisanje rezidencijalnog statusa, pomoć pri repatrijaciji i reintegraciji, kao i mere za zaštitu dece svedoka i žrtava trgovine i odgovarajući pristup pravdi. U radu su formulisane preporuke za unapređenje sistema identifikacije, odgovarajuću procenu potreba i planiranje potrebnih usluga i mera zaštite, kao i mera i aktivnosti koje treba da obezbede dugoročno rešenje u skladu sa pravima deteta i sa njenim/njegovim najboljim interesima

    Kants auffassung der vernunft

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    Autor najpre ispituje teorijske i društveno-istorijske pretpostavke Kantove koncepcije uma. Kantovo suoèavanje s problemom statusa metafizike, kao i zadaci filozofskog utemeljenja nauke i zasnivanja etike uslovili su uspostavljanje razlike izmeðu razuma i uma, kategorija i ideja, odnosno teorijske i praktièke sfere. Nakon razmatranja konstitutivne uloge razuma i regulativne upotrebe ideja u teorijskoj sferi, autor ispituje Kantovo shvatanje konstitutivne uloge uma u praktièkoj sferi. Oslanjajuæi se na njegovo uèenje o primatu praktièkog nad teorijskim umom, morala nad naukom, autor zakljuèuje da je za civilizovanost dovoljan razum, dok je za moralizovanost neophodan um. Pošto je razmotrio Kantov pokušaj da uvoðenjem refleksivne moæi suðenja premosti ponor izmeðu nu nosti i slobode, autor ukazuje na sliènost uma i refleksivne moæi suðenja u pogledu njihove regulativne uloge u teorijskom saznanju. Ispitivanje odnosa prirode i uma u Kantovoj filozofiji, kao i suèeljavanje Kantove i Hegelove koncepcije uma, nude pretpostavke za razumevanje ambivalentnog stava kenigsberškog mislioca prema revoluciji. Nakon preispitivanja Lukaèeve ocene o Kantu kao tipiènom predstavniku graðanskog mišljenja, autor ne kraju rada raspravlja da li nam Kantova filozofija mo e pomoæi da prebrodimo krizu u kojoj se danas èoveèanstvo nalazi.Der Verfasser befasst sich zuerst mit den theorethischen und gesellschaftlich- geschichtlichen Voraussetzungen der Konzeption der Vernunft Kants. Kants Auseinandersetzung mit dem Problem der Metaphysik, wie auch die Aufgaben einer philosophischen Begründung derWissenschaft und einer Grundlegung der Ethik, haben die Einführung eines Unterschieds zwischen Verstand und Vernunft, Kategorien und Ideen, bzw. der theoretischen und der praktischen Sphäre bedingt. Nach einer Betrachtung der konstitutiven Rolle des Verstandes und des regulativen Gebrauchs der Ideen in der theoretischen Sphäre, untersuchet der Autor Kants Auffassung über die konstitutive Rolle der Vernunft in der praktischen Sphäre. Sich auf seine Lehre vom Primat der praktischen über die theoretischen Vernunft, bzw. vom Primat der Moralität über dieWissenschaft stützend, stellt der Verfasser fest, dass für eine Zivilisierung der Verstand genügt, aber für eine Moralisierung die Vernunft unentbehrlich ist. Bei seiner Betrachtung von Kants Versuch der Überbrückung des Abgrunds zwischen Natur und Freiheit durch die Einführung der reflektierenden Urteilskraft, verweist der Autor auf eine Ähnlickeit zwischen der Vernunft und der reflektierenden Urteilskraft bezüglich ihrer regulativen Rolle in der theoretischen Erkenntnis. Die Untersuchung des Verhältnisses zwischen Natur und Vernunft in der Philosophie von Kant, wie auch die Konfrontation der Konzeptionen der Vernunft von Kant und Hegel, bietet die Voraussetzungen für das Verstehen eines ambivalenten Verhältnisses des königsberger Denkers zur Revolution. Nach einer Überprüfung des Urteils von Lukacs über Kant als einem typischen Vertreter des bürgerlichen Denkens, erörtert der Verfasser am Ende der Studie, ob uns Kants Philosophie helfen kann, die Krise zu überwinden, in der sich die Menschheit heute befindet

    Problem definisanja savremenog terorizma

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    For researchers of political phenomenons, one of the most attractive phenomenons in research has been modern terrorism. Moreover, the research and defining of terrorism is of first rate political significance, as the USA and a number of other states imperiled by terrorism are pointing out that the battle against terrorism is a first rate political goal for international community. However, still in international circles there has not been a definition of terrorism that would be accepted as a standard one, although within the OUN there have been some moves forward in that direction as far as time goes back. There are various reasons for that, and many among them are related to so-called problems in defining terrorism. Analysis of such problems has confirmed that terrorism indeed is a very complex and extremely developmental phenomenon which consists of a number of various forms in appearance. In addition, its defining has been obstructed by: ignorance and unfamiliarity of the phenomenon itself, its conceptual mesh with related models of political violence, arising of emotions while defining it, and, in particular, political interest of those who define it, as well as a number of other, less obvious, but not less important factors.Savremeni terorizam je jedan od najatraktivnijih fenomena za istraživače političkih pojava. Osim toga, istraživanje i definisanje terorizma je od prvorazredne političke važnosti budući da SAD i niz drugih zemalja koje su ugrožene terorizmom postavljaju pred međunarodnu zajednicu borbu protiv terorizma kao prvorazredni politički cilj. I pored toga, još nije međunarodno prihvaćena neka definicija terorizma kao opštevažeća, mada se u okvirima OUN već odavno radi na tome. Razlozi za to su brojni, a mnogi od njih spadaju u takozvane probleme definisanja terorizma. Analiza tih problema potvrđuje da je terorizam veoma složen i izrazito razvojan fenomen koji ima niz pojavno raznovrsnih formi, ali i to da njegovo definisanje ometaju: nepoznavanje fenomena, pojmovna isprepletenost sa srodnim oblicima političkog nasilja prisutnost emocija pri definisanju, a naročito politički interesi onih koji ga definišu, kao i niz drugih, manje uočljivih, mada ne i manje bitnih faktora

    The evolution of civil-military relations in FRY/the state union of Serbia and Montenegro

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    Theoretical speculations and researches on the relations between the civil and the military sectors of society, as well as, between the political and military decision-makers, in a narrow sense, almost regularly appeared as a consequence of the demand of 'real reality'. Actually, there are few examples of such stipulation of theoretic thinking with concrete reality. On the other hand, there are few subjects of research overlapping to such an extent with other phenomenon, relations, processes and situations, as is the case of the military factor: the army represents, almost without exception, the concise expression of one society's condition and relations. Therefore, elaboration of this topic, which assumes prior "sociologically broad" information about society, whose civil-military relations reached a level of democratic civil control over the army and the police, as well as a reform pattern of the security sector are taken under consideration. The "case" of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia/ the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro is sui generis in full meaning of this term; starting from the middle of the 20th century, the former "second Yugosavia" created very unusual social relations, till civil wars in 1990s, which delayed the so-called transition processes that were already taking place in East and Southeast Europe for more than a decade. Therefore, for a thorough comprehension of the evolution of civil-military relations in Serbia and Montenegro, is especially important to research roots and reasons, which apparently have an influence on today's situation. Using this approach, with respect to concrete particularities it would be possible to evaluate the actual condition, in order to integrate our society into existing broader security and economic structures through necessary and inevitable changes. In the case of Serbia and Montenegro, the almost fully isolated evolution of civil-military relations in the past decade must be pointed out in relation to changes which in Western liberal democratic societies led to a redefinition of system and functions of modern security. To be clearer, it is related to a way of thinking and to the overall security culture connected to the pre-modern, partially modern, versus the forthcoming postmodern approach. This naturally should not question the necessity of homogenization and adjustment of Southeast European countries' existing national security systems in order torespond successfully to new security challenges and threats for practical rather than theoretical needs. On the contrary! The rise of so called complex terrorism1 - a serious enough threat, along with all the old and the new security challenges and threats, with its effects on national, collective and global levels made the issue even more deserving of a special research focus

    Horizontalna organizacija vlasti u predlozima za novi Ustav Srbije

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    During four years of intensive discussions and attempts of three governments to adopt a new Constitution of Serbia, ten constitutional projects have been accomplished. They all share the same agenda of theoretical concept of the power sharing. Special attention is paid to the relations between legislative and executive aspects of it. All projects call for bicefal executive power with various competencies of the head of the state included, in most of the cases in the role of the President of Republic except in the case of the proposition for establishment of the monarchy by Prof Dr. Pavle Nikolic. The proposed constitutional models thoroughly subsume the parliamentary system with classic warranties for the National Parliament, the president of Republic and the government. The proposed concepts are not very inventive when it comes to the control of the government's activity and domination of the executive regulation over the Parliament. According to these, in many regards, the key aspects of the content of the Constitution, there is no any controversial constitution proposal which could endanger the adoption of the new Constitution.Za četiri godine intenzivnih rasprava i pokušaja tri vlade da se donese novi Ustav Srbije sačinjeno je deset ustavnih projekata. Svi oni polaze od teorijskog koncepta podele vlasti. Posebna pažnja posvećena je odnosu legislative i egzekutive. Svi projekti plediraju za bicefalnu egzekutivu ali sa različitim ovlašćenjima šefa države, najčešće kao predsednika Republike, osim u jednom slučaju - predlogu za uspostavljanje monarhije prof. dr Pavla Nikolića. Ponuđeni ustavni modeli dosledno razrađuju parlamentarni sistem sa klasičnim ovlašćenjima Narodne skupštine predsednika Republike i Vlade. Predloženi koncepti ne odlikuju se inventivnošću kada je u pitanju kontrola rada vlade od strane zakonodavne vlasti i dominacija egzekutive nad parlamentom. Sudeći po ovim, po mnogo čemu ključnim aspektima ustavne materije, ne postoje predlozi koji bi pomogli predmet sporenja do tačke koja bi značila nemogućnost donošenja novog Ustava

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